Under Current Terms Only LIC is Likely to Buy Air India

LIC

India’s three main airlines, IndiGo, Jet Airways and SpiceJet, have made it clear that they are not interested in buying Air India, in the current form it is being offered in. (As I finished writing this column, a Reuters journalist tweeted to suggest that the Tatas are also unlikely to bid for Air India, as well. Guess, nostalgia, doesn’t always work). The government of India wants to:

A) Sell 76% of Air India.

B) 100% of Air India Express, the low-cost arm of Air India.

C) 50% of SATS, a gateway solution and food services provider. Against this sale, the government, wants the buyer:

a) To take on two-thirds of the debt of Air India. As on March 31, 2017, the total debt of the company was at Rs 48,447.37 crore. Two-thirds of this works out to Rs 32,298 crore.

b) The buyer also needs to give a guarantee that none of the permanent employees of the airline will be sacked for a year. After that the buyer can offer them a voluntary retirement scheme.

In return, the buyer, along with the aircrafts of Air India, will also get 2,543 international landing slots negotiated with many countries, over the years. The landing slots is for what any airline will want to buy Air India. The real estate of Air India, which includes the famous Air India building in Nariman Point, will continue to remain with the government.

What also works for the prospective buyer is that Air India has 12% market share in the domestic market in India. While, this has fallen from a 100% market share once upon a time, when private airlines were not allowed to operate in India, it needs to be taken into account that only 3% of Indians have travelled by air. Hence, the potential is immense. India is one of the last big airline markets that remains untapped.

Also, the airline has a 17% share in flights in and out of India.

All these factors work for the buyer. But there are other factors which don’t. As mentioned earlier, the airline had a debt of close to Rs 48,447 crore as on March 31, 2017. Two-thirds of this debt has to be picked up by the buyer.

The working capital loans constitute Rs 31,088 crore of this debt. This is a little lower than the amount of debt that the government wants the prospective buyer of Air India to pick up. It is worth asking how has this debt accumulated over the years? The airline loses money every year and in order to continue operating it needs to borrow.

The banks lend money to the airline because it is ultimately deemed to be lending to the government and a government doesn’t usually default. A private enterprise in the place of Air India, would have had to shut down by now.

The larger point is that by asking a prospective buyer to take on two-thirds of the debt, the government basically wants the buyer to take on the overall accumulated inefficiency of the airline.

Rs 33,298 crore is a lot of money and is basically a deal breaker as far as the sale of Air India is concerned. This kind of debt it could even bring down the airline that decides to buy Air India. (In fact, we had said the same thing in a column which appeared on January 15, earlier this year).

Other than the working capital loans of Rs 31,088 crore, the remaining Rs 17,360 crore is basically loans that have been taken for buying aircrafts. If this portion of the loan is passed on to the buyer, there is at least some justification given that there are airplanes that were bought using the loan.

Also, any prospective buyer will adjust for these loans before deciding on the price it wants to buy for Air India. But on the whole, the debt will drive away most prospective buyers.

Further, it is worth remembering that airline has lost a lot of money over the years and it continues to lose money. The airline lost Rs 41,657 crore between 2010-2011 and 2016-2017. These losses have continued in 2017-2018 (for the period between April to December 2017). Take a look at Table 1.

Table 1:

Domestic (Rs. in lakh)International (Rs. in lakh)
Traffic Revenue505,9641,044,676
Total Cost676,2311,334,296

Source: Loksabha Questions PDF 

Table 1 tells us that between April to December 2017, the airline lost a further Rs 4,599 crore. This basically means that the accumulated losses of the airline between April 2010 and December 2017, stand at Rs 46,256 crore.

Now that’s a lot of money. Other than the airline borrowing money to keep itself going, the government has also pumped in money into the airline over the years. Take a look at Table 2.

Table 2:

YearEquity Infused Rs. in (crore)
2011-121.200
2012-136,000
2013-146,000
2014-155,780
2015-162,500
2016-171,713
2017-18 (till date)1,800
Total Cost26,545.21

Source: Loksabha Questions PDF 

This infusion is a part of a restructuring plan which provides Rs 30,231 crore of equity infusion from the government into the airline, until 2021. It is clear that the restructuring plan is not working given that the airline continues to lose more than what the government has invested in it, over the last few years.

This isn’t surprising given that the cost of operation of the airline is very high. As a recent report by Kotak Institutional Equities points out, the operational costs of Air India are Rs 4.74 per available seat kilometre, in comparison to Rs 4.33 for Jet Airways, Rs 3.6 for SpiceJet and Rs 3.16 for IndiGo.

The airline also has a huge number of employees, backed by powerful trade unions which can be a huge nuisance. As on January 1, 2017, the airline had 18,049 employees. In comparison, IndiGo had 14,576 employees as on March 31,2017. IndiGo also employed 8,225 employees on a temporary/contractual/casual basis. Indigo has 40% share in India’s domestic airline business. Air India has 12%.

Also, 37.6% of Air India’s employees are retiring over the next five years. The trouble is that no prospective buyer will be willing to wait for five years, so that the airline can then have the right number of employees. Any quick turnaround will only happen if the buyer is allowed to fire employees.

The larger point here is that the airline is clearly not a family jewel that the government considers it to be (like all other public sector enterprises). It is basically a dangerous wound which has been bleeding the government and continues to bleed it. This bleeding needs to be stopped and it can only be stopped if the government decides to be a lot more flexible about the terms on which it is willing to sell the airline.

In fact, the government is more likely to attract bidders if it tries selling different parts of the airline, separately. For starters, the domestic business and the international business of Air India, need to be offered separately. In fact, even Air India Express, which primarily has flights to the middle east should also be offered separately. This might attract different buyers.

Further, the buyer should be allowed the flexibility of the doing what he deems fit to run the airline. The government cannot sell the airline and then want to continue running it through the backseat, by implementing terms and conditions.

Also, if this means that a few thousand Air India employees lose their jobs, then so be it. They have had a good time at the expense of the taxpayer, for many years now. This is as good a time, as any, to end it. If the government continues to run the airline, it will have to continue pumping money into it. This is money that is taken away from many other important areas like education, defence, health and agriculture. Further, the debt that the airline takes on will also eventually end up in the books of the government.

Under the current terms, the only institution that is likely to buy Air India, is the Life Insurance Corporation(LIC) of India. Given its past record under different governments in buying public sector enterprises, it won’t be surprising if the financial institution is forced to come to the rescue of the government and pick up a stake in the beleaguered airline. Funnier things have happened.

The column originally appeared on Equitymaster on April 11, 2018.

Chinese politicians will do whatever it takes to keep economic growth going

chinaThe one thing I know for sure about China is, I will never know China. It’s too big, too old, too diverse, too deep. There’s simply not enough time.”
Anthony Bourdain, Parts Unknown

Ideally, I should have written this column last week, but this trend isn’t going anywhere anytime soon.  On August 11, 2015, the People’s Bank of China, the Chinese central bank, engineered a 1.9% cut in the value of the Chinese yuan against the US dollar. This was the largest single day cut in the value of the yuan against the dollar in two decades. The Chinese yuan doesn’t move freely against the dollar. The People’s Bank of China controls its value. Before last week’s cut, 6.2 yuan equalled a dollar.

As I write this on August 17, 2015, around a week later, 6.4 yuan are worth a single dollar. The value of a currency is a big variable for exporters. But by ensuring the yuan had a fixed value against the dollar, the Chinese central bank took this variable out of the Chinese exporters’ equation totally. This helped Chinese exports and exporters flourish and has been a very important part of the Chinese economic miracle.

Nevertheless, Chinese exports have been falling lately. In July 2015, Chinese exports fell by 8.3% compared to a year earlier. Even in June 2015, the exports had gone up by only 2.8%. A major reason for this is that the Bank of Japan, the Japanese central bank, has rapidly driven down the value of the Japanese yen against the dollar. In October 2012, 80 yen made up a dollar. As I write this, around 124.5 yen make up for a dollar. This has made many Japanese exports more competitive than China’s. Further, it has made imports into Japan more expensive. This caused Chinese exports to Japan between January and July 2015 to fall by 10.5%.

So it’s not surprising that the Chinese authorities pushed down the value of the yuan against the dollar. Their goal is to boost Chinese exports while making imports into China more expensive, thereby pushing the sales of local Chinese made goods and boosting economic growth in the process.

The People’s Bank of China decreased its foreign exchange reserves by $300 billion over the last four quarters. In other words, in a bid to keep the yuan at 6.2 for every dollar, the Bank has been selling dollars from its kitty and buying up yuan, which is essentially money being taken out of the country.

The People’s Bank doesn’t have an unlimited supply of dollars. At some point, it had to let the value of the yuan fall against the dollar, which is precisely what it did last week. For years on end, China has grown at double-digit rates. But recently, as global demand has fallen in the aftermath of the financial crisis which started in 2008, economic growth has slowed to 7% per year. In fact, many China followers believe the official 7% figure is an overstatement.

For example, Ruchir Sharma, Head of Emerging Markets and Global Macro at Morgan Stanley, wrote in a recent column in The Wall Street Journal that: “While China reported that its GDP grew exactly in line with its growth target of 7% in the first and second quarters this year, all other independent data, from electricity production to car sales, indicate the economy is growing closer to 5%.”

Most China experts and analysts fail to mention this, but it is important to understand that economic growth gives legitimacy to the unelected communist government that runs China.

As John Plender writes in Capitalism: Money, Morals and Markets:  “Unelected Chinese politicians may put the interests of the Communist Party elite before those of the nations. Their legitimacy, after all, rests chiefly on the continuation of high rates of economic growth. If they fail to deliver, their survival in an economic crisis may depend on whipping up nationalist popular feeling against Japan, Taiwan or other Asian neighbours, intensive trade relations notwithstanding.”

This phenomenon was at play in the recent past, when the Chinese government tried to do everything to stop the stock market from falling. It banned investors with more than a 5% holding in a company from selling shares and it directed big financial institutions to invest in the stock market. These moves were to prop up stocks, but mostly to maintain political legitimacy.

Since the financial crisis, the Chinese politicians have been able to maintain credibility by ensuring that the economic growth has not collapsed, as it has in much of the Western Word. This has been done by lending cheap money across various sectors. As Sharma of Morgan Stanley writes: “The problem is that China’s economic rise of late has been facilitated by a massive and unsustainable stimulus campaign. No emerging nation in recorded history has ever tacked on debt at such a furious pace as China has since 2008, and a rapid increase in debt is the single most reliable predictor of economic slowdowns and financial crisis. China’s debt as a share of its economy increased by 80 percentage points between 2008 and 2013 and currently stands at around 300%, with no sign of abating.”

This easy money first led to a property bubble, which was followed by an infrastructure bubble and a stock market bubble.
The point is that the Chinese politicians will do whatever it takes to keep the economic growth going. So expect the devaluation of the Chinese yuan against the dollar to continue, as China tries to push up its exports again.

As Albert Edwards of Societe Generale writes in a recent research note: “For although the PBoC [People’s Bank of China, the Chinese central bank] said the move was a one-time adjustment [the drop in the value of the yuan against the dollar] to reflect changes in the way it calculates the daily fix, it also said that the price would be set “in conjunction with demand and supply conditions in the foreign exchange market and exchange rate movements of the major currencies.”

What does this mean? Well, the race to the bottom isn’t exactly rocket science. With the yuan’s value now down against the dollar, chances are that the Bank of Japan will respond by printing even more yen, in a bid to further drive down the value of the yen against the dollar. The South Korean central bank may also do something along similar lines in order to drive down the value of the won [the South Korean currency] against the dollar to protect its exports. This in turn will lead to the People’s Bank of China to push the yuan down even further against the dollar. Rest assured, the currency wars in Asia will continue.

The column originally appeared in The Daily Reckoning on Aug 18, 2015

From cutting up a debtor’s body to SARFAESI: Small borrowers have always got a bad deal

rupee

Vivek Kaul

In November last year, Raghuram Rajan, the governor of the Reserve Bank of India, made a very important speech, in which he discussed the inequality between the small and the big borrowers, when it came to recovering loans they have defaulted on.
As Rajan said: “
The SARFAESI (Securitization and Reconstruction of Financial Assets and Enforcement of Security Interests) Act of 2002 is, by the standards of most countries, very pro-creditor as it is written…But its full force is felt by the small entrepreneur who does not have the wherewithal to hire expensive lawyers or move the courts, even while the influential promoter once again escapes its rigour. The small entrepreneur’s assets are repossessed quickly and sold, extinguishing many a promising business that could do with a little support from bankers.”
The promoters of big companies on the other hand are able to hire expensive lawyers and get away with it. Though the nation has to bear the cost of their actions. As Rajan had said: “
As just one measure, the total write-offs of loans made by the commercial banks in the last five years is Rs 1,61,018 crore, which is 1.27% of GDP.  Of course, some of this amount will be recovered, but given the size of stressed assets in the system, there will be more write-offs to come. To put these amounts in perspective – thousands of crore often become meaningless to the lay person – 1.27% of GDP would have allowed 1.5 million of the poorest children to get a full university degree from the top private universities in the country, all expenses paid.”
The trouble is that this is how small borrowers have been treated through much of history. In
Coined—The Rich Life of Money and How Its History Has Shaped Us, Kabir Sehgal writes: “Interest bearing loans predated the invention of coins by thousands of years. Around 5000 BC, in what is now known as the Middle East, various types of debt instruments emerged..Interest bearing loans started with agriculture and farming: seeds,nuts, grains, and cows borrowed by destitute farmers who repaid the loan with interest—in the form of the surplus from their harvest.”
And what happened if these farmers did not repay? “Declaring personal bankruptcy wasn’t an option, so there was some creative license in making payments…There were even instances of men giving up their wives or sons to avoid interest payments…A debt contract effectively turned a person into an object or commodity to settle an account, contorting the familial sphere into the commercial one,” writes Sehgal.
In fact, debt prisons were the order of the day through much of human history. It was a common practice even in ancient Rome. As Sehgal points out: “During the Roman Empire, a creditor could arrest the debtor for debt delinquency and haul him into court. If guilty, the debtor could land in a private jail and after sixty days become a slave, a bonded laborer, or even be killed. Though uncommon, creditors were allowed to cut up a debtor’s body into chunks commensurate with the debt owed.” It was that bad. Debtors prisons continued in the Western world through much of the nineteenth century. The United States got around to banning them only in 1869. “In 1830, more than ten thousand people were imprisoned in New York debt prisons. Many times the debts were minimal. In Philadelphia, thirty inmates had debts outstanding of not more than a dollar. There were five people imprisoned for debt delinquency for every one put away for violent offense,” writes Sehgal.
In contrast, some of the biggest borrowers like Kings and governments have gotten away with huge defaults, direct as well as indirect, through the course of history. An indirect default happens when a government creates inflation by printing money and in the process ends up eroding the value of money. This means that when it repays debt, it is actually paying back money which is worth a lot less than it was in the past. And this is nothing but an indirect default.
What this clearly tells us is that the small borrower has always had a tougher time in comparison to the large borrower. And this should not be the case. As Rajan put it in his November speech: “What we need is a more balanced system, one that forces the large borrower to share more pain, while being a little more friendly to the small borrower. The system should shut down businesses that have no hope of creating value, while reviving and preserving those that can add value.”
In fact, research shows that this even has an impact on the amount of innovation that happens in a country. As Rajan put it: “A draconian law does perhaps as much damage as a weak law, not just because it results in a loss of value on default but also because it diminishes the incentive to take risk. For think of a mediaeval businessman who knows he will be imprisoned or even beheaded if he defaults. What incentive will he have to engage in innovative but risky business? Is it any wonder that business was very conservative then?  Indeed, Viral Acharya of NYU and Krishnamurthi Subramanian of ISB show in a compelling study that innovation is lower in countries with much stricter creditor rights. Or put differently, the solution to our current problems is not to make the laws even more draconian but to see how we can get more equitable and efficiency-enhancing sharing of losses on default.”
And this is something worth thinking about.

(Vivek Kaul is the author of the Easy Money trilogy. He tweets @kaul_vivek)

The column originally appeared on Firstpost on Apr 22, 2015

DLF shares in debt spiral: Decoding why the stock fell 28% after Sebi ban

DLFVivek Kaul

The share price of DLF crashed today by 28.5% to close at Rs 104.95. In the process Rs 7439.5 crore of investor wealth was destroyed. Given that promoters own close to 75% of the company they had to bear a bulk of this fall.
In a landmark order, the Securities and Exchange Board of India(Sebi), barred DLF, KP Singh, the chairman and founder of the company, along with five other company executives from “buying, selling or otherwise dealing in securities, directly or indirectly, in any manner, whatsoever, for the period of three years.”
DLF failed to provide information on various subsidiaries as well as FIRs that were pending against it, when it re-listed in the stock market in 2007. (
This blog explains the entire order in a very simple way).
Back then, the company had raised close to $2.3 billion through what was the biggest initial public offering until then. The Sebi order pointed out that “Noticees suppressed several material information in the RHP/Prospectus of DLF and actively concealed the fact about filing of FIR against Sudipti [a DLF subsidary] and others.”
The stock crashed today by 28.5% as investors sold out enmasse. The question is why did the investors abandon DLF today?
As on June 30, 2014, the company had a total debt of Rs 19,064 crore on its balance sheet. In the annual report for 2013-2014, the company points out that the “average cost of debt has continued to range between 12.5% and 13%.” This rate of interest couldn’t have changed much since then.
At 12.5%, the total amount of interest that the company needs to pay per year on an outstanding debt of more than Rs 19,000 crore, works close to Rs 2,400 crore per year or around Rs 600 crore per quarter. This is huge for a company which had sales of Rs 1,851 crore for the period between April and June 2014.
With the company paying huge interest on its outstanding debt, the finance charges stood at 30% of the total revenue during April to June 2014. This number has gone up over the years as the sales of the company have plummeted.
For the period between April and June 2012, the finance charges were at 20% of the total revenue. The net sales for the period had stood at Rs 2,503 crore. The sales since then have fallen by around 26% to Rs 1,851 crore for the period between April to June 2014. The hope was that DLF would be able to bring down the value of its debts by listing a real estate investment trust (REIT), the rules for which were finalized last month. The company has close to 26 million square feet of leased assets. With the Sebi barring the company and its promoters from accessing capital markets, the company will now not be allowed to list a REIT in the next 36 months.
This means that the company will continue with a massive amount of debt on its balance sheet. This explains why the stock price fell by more than 28% today. It was simply adjusting to the new reality.
How did the company end up with so much debt on its balance sheet?
The company essentially borrowed a lot after it got relisted in the stock market in 2007. As on December 31, 2007, the total debt of the company had stood at Rs 3,702 crore. This jumped to Rs 7,066 crore by December 31, 2008, to Rs 12,830 crore by December 31, 2009 and Rs 22,758 crore by December 31, 2011. In a period of four years, the debt of the company jumped by more than six times.
The company borrowed a lot of money during this period to build a land bank and to diversify itself into other businesses which ranged from wind power to insurance and mutual fund to the luxury hospitality business. Since then, the company has been trying to come out of these businesses. During the last financial year, the company sold off its stake in the insurance business as well as DLF Global Hospitality Ltd.
This has helped the company to bring down its total debt marginally. The total debt of the company as on March 31, 2013, had stood at Rs 21,731 crore. This came down to Rs 18,526 crore by March 31, 2014. But has since then again shot up to Rs 19,064 crore.
The company will challenge the Sebi order. As it said in a release today “DLF will defend itself to the fullest extent against any adverse findings and measures contained in the order passed by SEBI. DLF has full faith in the judicial process and is confident of vindication of its stand in the near future.” Nonetheless, a close reading of the order suggests that the company is clearly on a weak wicket here. In fact, earlier this year, the Supreme Court had upheld a Rs 630 crore fine imposed on DLF by the Competition Commission of India. The Sebi order has made the situation worse for DLF.
To conclude, the mistakes made by DLF in the era of “easy money” seem to be catching up with it.

The article originally appeared on www.FirstBiz.com on Oct 14, 2014

(Vivek Kaul is the author of the Easy Money trilogy. He tweets @kaul_vivek)

Five years after Lehman Brothers went bust, the same mistakes are being made

A logo of Lehman Brothers is seen outside its Asia headquarters in TokyoVivek Kaul 
Graham Greene’s fascinating book The End of an Affair starts with these lines: “A story has no beginning or end: arbitrarily one chooses that moment of experience from which to look back or from which to look ahead.”
If the current financial crisis were a story (which it is) its beginning would be on September 15, 2008, when Lehman Brothers, the smallest of the big investment banks on Wall Street, went bust. It was the largest bankruptcy in the history of the world. Lehman Brothers started a crisis, from which the world is still trying to recover.
While the American government and the Federal Reserve(the American central bank) let Lehman Brothers go under, the got together to save AIG, one of the largest insurance companies in the world, a day later. This was followed by a spate of other rescues in the United States as well as Europe. These rescues cost the governments around the world a lot of money. As Mark Blyth writes in Austerity – The History of a Dangerous Idea “The cost of bailing, recapitalizing, and otherwise saving the global banking system has been depending on…how you count it, between 3 and 13 trillion dollars. Most of that has ended up on the balance sheets of governments as they absorb the costs of the bust.”
It’s been five years since Lehman Brothers went bust. Hence, enough time has elapsed since the financial criss started, to analyse, if any lessons have been learnt. One of the major reasons for the financial crisis was the fact that governments across the Western world ran easy money policies, starting from the turn of the century. Loans were available at low interest rates.
People went on a borrowing binge to build and buy homes and this led to huge real estate bubbles in different parts of the world. Take the case of Spain. Spain ended up building many more homes than it could sell. Estimates suggest that even though Spain forms only 12 percent of the GDP of the European Union (EU) it built nearly 30 percent of all the homes in the EU since 2000. The country has as many unsold homes as the United States of America which is many times bigger than Spain.
Along similar lines, by the time the Irish finished with buying and selling houses to each other, the home ownership in the country had gone up to 87%, which was the highest anywhere in the world. A similar thing happened in the United States, though not on a similar scale.
Housing prices in America had already started to fall before Lehman Brothers went bust. After that the fall accelerated. As per the Case-Shiller Composite-20 City Home Price Index, housing prices in America had risen by 76% between mid of 2001 and mid of 2006. The first time the real estate prices came down was in January 2007, when the Case-Shiller Composite-20 City Home Price Index suggested that housing prices had fallen by a minuscule 0.05% between January 2006 and January 2007. This fall came nearly two and half years after the Federal Reserve started raising interest rates to control the rise in price of real estate.
The fall gradually accentuated and by the end of December 2007, housing prices had fallen by 9.1% over a one year period. The fall continued. And by December 2008, a couple of months after Lehman went bust, housing prices, had fallen by 25.5%, over a period of three years. The real estate bubble had burst and the massacre had started. Similar stories were repeated in other parts of the Western world. Soon, western economies entered into a recession.
Governments around the world started tackling this by throwing money at the problem. The hope was that by printing money and putting it into the financial system, the interest rates would continue to remain low. At lower interest rates people would borrow and spend more, and this in turn would lead to economic growth coming back.

Hence, the idea was to cure a problem, which primarily happened on account of excess borrowing, by encouraging more borrowing. The question is where did this thinking come from? In order to understand this we need to go back a little in history.
As Nobel Prize winning economist Robert Lucas said in a speech he gave in January 2003, as the president of the American Economic Association: “Macroeconomics was born as a distinct field in the 1940s, as a part of the intellectual response to the Great Depression. The term then referred to the body of knowledge and expertise that we hoped would prevent the recurrence of economic disaster.”
Given this, the economic thinking on the Great Depression has had a great impact on American economists as well as central bankers. This is also true about economists across Europe to some extent.
In 1963, Milton Friedman along with Anna J. Schwartz, wrote 
A Monetary History of United States, 1867-1960, which also had a revisionist history of the Great Depression. What Friedman and Schwartz basically argued was that the Federal Reserve System ensured that what was just a stock market crash in October 1929, became the Great Depression.
Between 1929 and 1933, more than 7,500 banks with deposits amounting to nearly $5.7 billion went bankrupt. This according to Friedman and Schwartz led to the total amount of currency in circulation and demand deposits at banks, plunging by a one third.
With banks going bankrupt, the depositors money was either stuck or totally gone. Under this situation, they cut down on their expenditure further, to try and build their savings again. This converted what was basically a stock market crash, into the Great Depression.
If the Federal Reserve had pumped more money into the banking system at that point of time, enough confidence would have been created among the depositors who had lost their money and the Great Depression could have been avoided.
This thinking on the Great Depression came to dominate the American economic establishment over the years. Friedman believed that the Great Depression had happened because the American government and the Federal Reserve system of the day had let the banks fail and that had led to a massive contraction in money supply, which in turn had led to an environment of falling prices and finally, the Great Depression.
Hence, it was no surprise that when the Dow Jones Industrial Average, America’s premier stock market index, had a freak crash in October 1987, and fell by 22.6% in a single day, Alan Greenspan, who had just taken over as the Chairman of the Federal Reserve of United States, flooded the financial system with money.
After this, he kept flooding the system with money by cutting interest rates, at the slightest hint of trouble. This led to a situation where investors started to believe that come what may, Greenspan and the Federal Reserve would come to the rescue. This increased their appetite for risk, finally led to the dotcom and the real estate bubbles in the United States.
In fact, such has been Friedman’s influence on the prevailing economic thinking that Ben Bernanke, who would take over as the Chairman of the Federal Reserve, after Greenspan, said the following at a conference to mark the ninetieth birthday celebrations of Friedman in 2002. “I would like to say to Milton and Anna: Regarding the Great Depression. You’re right, we did it. We’re very sorry. But thanks to you, we won’t do it again.”
At that point of time, Bernanke was a member of the board of governors of the Federal Reserve System and hence, the use of the word “we”. What Bernanke was effectively saying was that in the days and years to come, at the slightest sign of trouble, the Federal Reserve of United States would flood the financial system with money.
And that is precisely what Bernanke and the American government did once the financial crisis broke out in September 2008. The Bank of England, the British central bank, followed. And so did the European Central Bank in the time to come. Recently, the Bank of Japan decided to join them as well.
Central banks around the world have been on a money printing spree since the start of the financial crisis in late 2008. Between then and early February 2013, the Federal Reserve of United States has expanded its balance sheet by 220%. The Bank of England has done even better at 350%. The European Central Bank came to the money printing party a little late in the day and has expanded its balance sheet by around 98%. The Bank of Japan has been rather subdued in its money printing efforts and has expanded its balance sheet only by 30% over the four year period. But during the course of 2013, the Bank of Japan has made it clear that it will print as much money as will be required to get the Japanese economy up and running again.
The trouble is that people in the Western world are not interested in borrowing money again. Hence, the little economic recovery that has happened has been very slow. The Japanese economist Richard Koo calls the current state of affairs in the United States as well as Europe as a balance sheet recession. The situation is very similar to as it was in Japan in 1990 when the stock market bubble as well as the real estate bubble burst.
Hence, Koo concludes that the Western economies including the United States may well be headed towards a Japan like lost decade. In a balance sheet recession a large portion of the private sector, which includes both individuals and businesses, minimise their debt. When a bubble that has been financed by raising more and more debt collapses, the asset prices collapse but the liabilities do not change.
In the American and the European context what this means is that people had taken on huge loans to buy homes in the hope that prices would continue to go up for perpetuity. But that was not to be. Once the bubble burst, the housing prices crashed. This meant that the asset (i.e. homes) that people had bought by taking on loans lost value, but the value of the loans continued to remain the same.
Hence, people needed to repair their individual balance sheets by increasing savings and paying down debt. This act of deleveraging or reducing debt has brought down aggregate demand and throws the economy in a balance sheet recession.
While the citizens may not be borrowing, this hasn’t stopped the financial institutions and the speculators from borrowing at close to zero percent interest rates and investing that money in various parts of the world. And that, in turn, has led to other asset bubbles all over the world.
These bubbles have benefited the rich. 
As The Economist points out “THE recovery belongs to the rich. It seemed ominous in 2007 when the share of national income flowing to America’s top 1% of earners reached 18.3%: the highest since just before the crash of 1929. But whereas the Depression kicked off a long era of even income growth the rich have done much better this time round. New data assembled by Emmanuel Saez, of the University of California, Berkeley, and Thomas Piketty, of the Paris School of Economics, reveal that the top 1% enjoyed real income growth of 31% between 2009 and 2012, compared with growth of less than 1% for the bottom 99%. Income actually shrank for the bottom 90% of earner.”
Once these bubbles start to burst, the world will go through another round of pain. Satyajit Das explains the situation beautifully 
in a recent column for the Financial Times, where he quotes the Irish author Samuel Beckett “Ever tried. Ever failed. No matter. Try Again. Fail again. Fail better.”
To conclude, there are many lessons that history offers us. But its up to us whether we learn from it or not. As the German philosopher Georg Engel once said “What experience and history teach is this – that nations and governments have never learned anything from history, or acted on principles deduced from it”
And why should this time be any different?
The article originally appeared on www.firstpost.com on September 16, 2013
(Vivek Kaul is a writer. He tweets @kaul_vivek)