Why oil prices are falling despite the rise of ISIS

oil

Vivek Kaul

All other things staying the same, oil prices have always been inversely proportional to peace in the Middle East. The moment any tension or war breaks out in the Middle East, oil prices start rising. The logic is pretty straight forward given that the region has some of the biggest oil fields in the world and produces bulk of the oil that the world consumes.
Any tension is seen as a threat to supply of oil in the future, and taking that possibility into account, oil prices start to go up.
But this theory doesn’t seem to be working in the recent past. The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) has been waging a war in the region for a while now, but oil prices instead of going up, have been coming down. The international crude oil price of Indian Basket as on September 30, 2014, stood at $ 95.34 per barrel (bbl). The price must have fallen more since then, but no new data has been released given that the government has been on a five day holiday.
The brent crude oil is currently trading at around $92.8 per barrel. This is a fall of more than 19% since June 2014. The more ISIS has grown stronger in the Middle East, the more oil prices have fallen.
How does one explain this dichotomy? There are multiple reasons behind this. ISIS has managed to capture the largest oilfield in Syria and now controls 60% of the oil production in the country. Nevertheless this has had no impact on the price of oil globally. The reason for this is straightforward. Syria is the 32nd largest producer of oil in the world and in 2013 produced only 0.48% of the oil produced globally.
ISIS has also managed to take over a number of oil fields in Iraq. But they haven’t been able to move into the Southern part of the country where the majority of the oilfields are located. Iraq is the seventh largest producer of oil in the world and in 2013 produced around 3.75% of global oil. Hence, any disruption of oil supply in Iraq will have some impact on global prices. But that hasn’t happened.
As Crisil Research explains in a research report titled
Falling crude, LNG, coal prices huge positive for India “This is because the likelihood of Islamic State progressing towards southern Iraq, which has about 65-70% of the country’s oil production and reserves, seems minimal. For one, that part of Iraq is dominated by Shia Muslims who do not support Islamic State.”
Further, ISIS also needs money to keep running their operations. And that means that they need to keep pumping oil out of the oilfields that they have captured. The oil is sold at a discount to the world price of oil, to Turkey, which in turn, resells it in Europe. This is another reason why oil prices haven’t risen. The supply from the captured oilfields is still hitting the world market.
Over and above this, the oil supply from Libya is coming back. A newsreport points out that Libya is pumping close to 925,000 barrels of oil per day. This has been the highest since Muammar Gaddafi was overthrown from power in Libya. Libya in 2013 produced around 0.85% of global oil production. These are the short term reasons as to why the price of oil hasn’t gone up, despite the advance of the ISIS.
There are several long term reasons as well. The United States and Canada are producing much more oil than they were a few years back. Data from the U.S. Energy Information Administration shows that United States in 2013 produced 12.35 million barrels per day. This is a massive increase of 35% since 2009. A recent report in the www.businessinsider.com points out that “In 2010 the [United States] still imported half of the crude it consumed, but the U.S. Energy Information Administration forecasts that will fall to little more than 20 percent next year.”
In case of Canada the production has gone up by 22.8% to 4.07 million barrels per day between 2009 to 2013. This massive increase in oil production has come from a boom in shale oil output. As a recent report in the Financial Times pointed out “Booming shale oil output has pushed US production to a 28-year high at the expense of imports.”
This has led to a situation where the United States has stopped importing oil from countries it was doing earlier. Take the case of Nigeria. The country did not import a single barrel of oil to the United States in July 2014. The country till four years back was one of the top 5 exporters of oil to the United States.
In fact as a October 2 blog on the Financial Times website points out “At its peak in February 2006, the US imported 1.3m b/d from Nigeria – equal to roughly one super-tanker the size of the Exxon Valdez every day. By 2012, Nigeria was already selling just 0.5m b/d, but was still one of the top-5 suppliers to the US, alongside Saudi Arabia, Canada, Mexico and Venezuela.”
Columbian oil exports to the United States have also fallen by a one third up to July this year, in comparison to the same period last year.
All this oil which was going to the United States earlier is now hitting the world market and is a major reason why oil prices have not rallied in the recent past. Interestingly, the US production of oil is now more than one third of the oil being produced in the Middle East. All this has had a huge impact on oil prices given that the United States is the biggest consumer of oil in the world.
Higher supplies from Iran are also expected to hit the market. Currently the country is facing international sanctions and is not allowed to sell a major portion of the oil that it produces. In 2013, Iran produced 4.77% of the total global oil production and was the fourth largest producer of oil in the world. As Crisil Research points out “In case of Iran, production is expected to return to the pre-sanctions levels of 4.4 mbpd from current levels of 3.1 mbpd as Iran is expected to co-operate with the international community after the change of regime post-elections.”
This is expected to happen because over the last two years international sanctions have had a severe impact on Iran. “In 2012 and 2013, Iran’s GDP registered a negative growth, inflation rose more than 60% cumulatively, and Iranian Rial depreciated by more than 85% cumulatively. Since Iran’s economy is oil-dependent, with oil exports contributing to ~85% of total exports, it will have to increase its oil exports to repair its economy,” Crisil research points out.
All these reasons, along with the fact that China’s economic growth is slowing down have ensured that oil prices haven’t gone up in the recent past. China is the second largest consumer of oil in the world after the United States.
In the recent past several analysts have suggested that Saudi Arabia and United States are working together to drive down the price of oil. This is being done to cut off the funding of ISIS. As oil prices fall, the price at which ISIS will have to sell oil will fall further. And that way, they amount of money they earn will come down. The question that needs to be answered is that how much truth does this theory have. I will try and answer that in the next piece. Watch this space.
The article originally appeared on www.FirstBiz.com on Oct 7, 2014

(Vivek Kaul is the author of the Easy Money trilogy. He tweets @kaul_vivek)

Three years later

book cover 1Late last night I sent across the foreword and the acknowledgements for the third volume of the Easy Money series to my publisher. And that I guess more or less completes the writing part of the trilogy.
What remains is the final edit of the manuscript of the third book, once it has been typeset. And of course, trying to get it reviewed etc., once it has been published.
I started the process of writing what was basically one book nearly three years back on October 15, 2011. It took me more than six weeks to actually start writing on December 2, 2011.
My contract with Sage was of a book of 100,000 words. When I started writing the book, I realized that I had terribly underestimated the scope of the topic. By the time I finished writing the first draft on June 30, 2012, I had written around 3.2 lakh words.
This I managed to cut down to 2.4 lakh words, after the book was anonymously reviewed. It was also then decided that the book was too big to be published at one go and needed to be broken down into three parts.
The first two parts were more or less what I wrote in the first draft. Of course, they had to go through many rounds of editing. I also added a concluding chapter to both the parts, to give them some sort of a contemporary flavour. In these chapters, I tried to look at events since 2008, from a historical perspective. In fact, without these chapters, both the parts seemed without a proper end, which every book needs.
I went back to the third part in April 2014. Initially I thought I would be able to update it in two weeks. But two weeks into the process I realized that the third part does not hold on its own. What I had written was a conclusion to a book and not something that was a book on its own.
So that meant I had to junk and rewrite a lot of stuff. This took me around one and a half months and I finished writing it by the end of May 2014. Editing it took a little more time. And I submitted the manuscript on July 12, 2014. Yesterday, the process was completed with the submission of the foreword and acknowledgements.
Writing what has turned out to be a pretty big book has been a fairly maddening and enjoyable process. Some adulation that has come along after the books have been published has given me a great high on some days. Nothing can beat the feeling of a person you don’t know taking the effort to write to you, after he or she has read the book, to tell you that they enjoyed it.
What has also been surprising is that many of my friends from school and college have taken time out from their busy schedules to read the book and honestly told me what they liked and what they did not. I really did not expect that. So, people do care at some level.
On the flip side, the process has also made me realize that we all need to make our own mistakes that is for sure It has also made me realize that I am not very good at figuring out the scope of work. What has been disappointing is little things like people who I send the book to review, misplacing it. The biggest disappointment have been relatives who have given away the book without reading it. I can’t blame them, they have held full time jobs all their lives.
Three years down the line now that the initial enthusiasm has ebbed, I guess I can be a little more philosophical about the entire thing. In the recent past, I have had doubts about whether taking time off for nearly three years and sitting in my room all day to write, has been really worth the trouble and the opportunity cost that has come along with it.
Honestly, if three years back, I had known that it would take three years(I had estimated that I will get done in one and a half years maximum) to write the book and that I would have to face the kind of emotional, mental and physical stress that I did, I wouldn’t have gotten around to writing the book.
In that sense, if I knew initially what I had set out to do, I would have never gotten around to doing it.
We live and we learn. Hopefully.

Get ready for a real mess: A new chapter may be opening in currency wars

3D chrome Dollar symbolVivek Kaul


The Japanese yen recently touched a six year low against the dollar. One dollar is currently worth around 108-110 yen. This many experts believe will lead to the start of a new round of currency wars. As Albert Edwards of Societe Generale writes in a recent research note dated September 22, 2014 “
the yen has slipped below a key 15-year support level against the dollar…The next phase of global currency wars may have begun.”
The term “currency war” was first used by Guido Mantega, the Brazilian finance minister, in 2010. It refers to a situation where multiple countries start driving down the value of their currencies against the dollar in a bid to drive up exports and inflation.
Before we try and understand Edwards’ statement in detail, it is important to go back a few years.
The Bank of Japan joined the money printing party rather late in the day towards the end of 2012. Before this the balance sheet of the Japanese central bank had expanded only 30% since the start of the financial crisis. Interestingly, in January 2012, the total assets of the Japanese central bank had stood at 128 trillion yen. Since then, it has more than doubled to 275.9 trillion yen at the end of August 2014.
The Bank of Japan plans to inject $1.4 trillion into the Japanese financial system by April 2015 by buying Japanese government bonds every month. This is pretty big, given that the size of the Japanese economy is around $5 trillion. Currently, it is printing 5 trillion yen every month and pumping that into the financial system by buying bonds. That explains why the total assets held by the bank have more than doubled.
The Bank of Japan entered the money printing party only after Shinzo Abe was elected as the prime minister on December 26, 2012. Abe promised to end Japan’s more than two decades old recession through some old fashioned economics, which has since been termed as Abenomics.
Abenomics is nothing but money printing in the hope of driving down the value of the yen against the dollar in the hope of increasing exports and also creating some inflation.
As James Rickards writes in
The Death of Money “Japan…had another reason to support the money printing…Money printing was being done not only to promote exports but to increase import prices. These more expensive imports would cause inflation to offset deflation…In Japan’s case, inflation would primarily come through higher prices of energy exports.”
T
he Bank of Japan decided to get in bed with the government on this and is targeting an inflation of 2 percent. It wants to reach the goal at the earliest possible date. And how does that help? In December 2012, Japan had an inflation rate of –0.1 percent. For 2012, on the whole, inflation was at 0 percent, which meant that prices did not rise at all. In fact, for each of the years in the period 2009-2011, prices had fallen in Japan.
When prices are flat, or are falling, or are expected to fall, consumers generally tend to postpone consumption (i.e., buying goods and services) in the hope that they will get a better deal in the future. This impacts businesses, as their earnings either remain flat or fall. This slows down economic growth.
On the other hand, if people see prices going up or expect prices to go up, they generally tend to start purchasing things. So a moderate inflation helps businesses as well as the overall economy. Hence, by trying to create some inflation the idea is to get consumption going again in Japan and help it come out of a more than two decades old recession.
The money printing has helped create some inflation in Japan. In July 2014, the consumer price inflation in Japan stood at 1.3%. One reason for this rise has been the fall in the value of yen against the dollar. In early November 2012, one dollar was worth 79.4 yen. Currently, one dollar is worth 108-110 yen, as mentioned earlier. This has made imports expensive and pushed up inflation. As John Lanchester writes in his new book
How To Speak Money “The yen has dropped, which is a good thing for Japanese industry, and inflation is showing signs of returning, which is also a good thing, though some commentators are worried that the process could quickly go out of hand.”
The question here is how can the process quickly go out of hand? Allow me to explain. The
inflation hasn’t led to people spending more money. In fact, the gross domestic product (GDP) of Japan contracted at an annualized rate of 6.8% during the three month period of April to June 2014. It was also expected that a falling yen will boost Japanese exports. But that doesn’t seem to have happened either. Exports have fallen in three out of the last four months. In August 2014, exports fell by 1.3%, in comparison to the same period last year.
Interestingly, one of the key learnings in the aftermath of the financial crisis has been that if a policy does not work for a central bank, it is likely to try more of it. Given this, it is expected that the Bank of Japan will print more money in the hope of inflation reaching the targeted 2% and to get exports going as well.
Diana Choyleva, head of macroeconomic research at Lombard Street Research, writes in a research note that the Bank of Japan “is also likely to redouble its QE [quantitative easing] efforts if it is to achieve its 2 percent inflation target.”
This will lead to further depreciation of the yen against the value. As Edwards of Societe Generale puts it “
One of the few things I have learnt over 30 years in this industry is that when traders decide the yen/US$ starts to move it can jump by Y10 or Y20 very, very quickly indeed.”
In this scenario other countries are also likely to print money so that their currencies lose value against the dollar, in order to keep their exports competitive.
The thing to remember here is that money printing in the hope of driving down the value of currency is not something that only Japan can indulge in. Interestingly, this is precisely what had happened when Japan first made its first moves towards printing money in December 2012.
In fact, politicians in South Korea by early February 2013 had started voicing their concerns about the depreciating yen. South Korea and Japan compete in several export-oriented industries, like automobiles and electronics. Korean export companies like Samsung and Hyundai compete with Japanese companies like Sony and Toyota.
At the end of December 2012, one dollar was worth 1,038.1 Korean won. Soon, the Korean won also started depreciating against the dollar, and by late June 2013, one dollar was worth around 1,160 Korean won. The Thai baht started depreciating against the dollar in April 2014. The Malaysian ringitt joined the club from May 2013 onward. By early 2014, China had also entered the currency war by allowing the yuan to depreciate against the dollar.
Nevertheless, the depreciation of this currencies against the dollar did not continue. The South Korean won is back to where it started and currently quotes at around 1063 won to a dollar. But there is nothing that can stop these countries from starting to cheapen their currencies against the dollar, all over again. The currency wars might break out all over again.
The joker in the pack is China. Currently, one dollar is worth around 6.14 Chinese yuan. It is interesting to look at the trajectory of the Chinese yuan over a period of time.
In 2005, one dollar was worth around 8.27 yuan. By 2011, one dollar was worth around 6.82 yuan. The appreciation of the yuan against the dollar continued at a measured pace and by mid-January 2014, one dollar was worth 6.14 yuan. This is when things turned around and the yuan started to depreciate against the dollar, something that had not happened in a very long time. By April 30, 2014, one dollar was worth 6.25 yuan.
Among other things the depreciation of the yuan was also a response to Abenomics which had led to the depreciation of the yen against the dollar. One dollar was worth around 80 yen in November 2012, before Shinzo Abe had taken over as the Prime Minister of Japan. By January 2014, one dollar was worth 105 yen, thus making Japanese exports more competitive in the international market. China’s yuan had to be adjusted to this new reality. As China is trying to move up the value chain, its products are competing more and more with Japanese products in the international market.

Nevertheless, since June 2014, the yuan has been appreciating against the dollar. But if the Japanese keep printing money and driving down the value yen against the dollar, the Chinese are also likely to have to start pushing the yuan down against the dollar.
This would mean Chinese exports more competitive. As the yuan depreciates against the dollar it would allow Chinese exporters to cut prices of their products. Let’s understand this through an example. A Chinese exporters sells a product at $100. He ends up getting paid 614 yuan for it, at the current rate. But if one dollar is worth seven yuan, he would be paid 700 yuan. This situation will allow the Chinese exporter to cut the price of his product. Let’s say he cuts it to $90, even then he ends up earning 630 yuan ($90 x 7), which is more than earlier.
As Choyleva of Lombard Street Research,
writes in a recent research note “If both Japan and the euro area go for extensive QE, emerging markets in Asia would suffer as their currencies appreciate. There would be no way China could restart its sputtering growth engine without major yuan devaluation.”
In order, to stay in competition, prices of products from other countries will have to be cut. And this will end up exporting deflation (a situation where prices are falling) to large parts of the world.
Of course, it is worth remembering here that everybody cannot have the cheapest currency. Once countries start devaluing their currencies, it becomes a race to the bottom and is not good for anyone. In technical terms this is referred to as beggar thy neighbour policy.
As a senior official of the Federal Reserve once remarked:
Devaluing a currency is like peeing in bed. It feels good at first, but pretty soon it becomes a real mess.”

The article originally appeared on www.FirstBiz.com on Oct 2, 2014

(Vivek Kaul is the author of the Easy Money trilogy. He tweets @kaul_vivek)

As bank loans to real estate companies grow, an average Mumbaikar needs 34 years income to buy a home

India-Real-Estate-Market

Vivek Kaul
The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) releases the sectoral deployment of credit data towards the end of every month. Data released on September 29, 2014, throws up some really interesting numbers.
Between August 23, 2013 and August 22, 2014, the overall lending by banks grew by 10.2% to Rs 5,729,300 crore.
Between August 24, 2012 and August 23, 2013, the overall bank lending had grown by 16.8% to Rs 5,199,100 crore. Hence, the growth in overall bank lending has slowed down considerably over the last one year.
What are the reasons for the same? A reason offered by banks is that the borrowing has slowed down because of the high interest rates that prevail. But interest rates had been high even around the time same time last year. Nevertheless, the overall lending by banks had still grown by 16.8%. So high interest rates cannot be a reason be the only reason for bank lending slowing down considerably.
A more feasible reason is the increase in non-performing loans of banks. As on March 31, 2013, the gross non-performing loans of public sector banks had stood at 3.61% of total loans. In a recent report ICRA points out that the gross non performing loans of public sector banks is expected to rise to the region of 4.4-4.7% of total loans as on March 31, 2015.
This rise in non-performing loans could be a reason behind banks going slow on giving out loans. They don’t want to see more loans go bad, and hence, have decided to go slow on lending. Nevertheless, the slowdown doesn’t seem to have impacted one particular sector and that is, commercial real estate.
Between August 23, 2013 and August 22, 2014, the lending to the sector grew by 17.6%. to Rs 1,59,900 crore. Between August 24, 2012 and August 23, 2013, the lending to the sector had grown at a similar rate of 17.4% to Rs 1,36,000 crore.
So, the question to ask here is why has the lending to commercial real estate continued to grow at the same rate whereas the growth in overall lending has fallen dramatically? This, under a scenario where real estate companies have a huge inventory of unsold homes all over the country. (To read about this in detail click here and here).
There is no straight forward answer to this question. To make a definitive statement on this, one would need the break up of the amount of lending to commercial real estate by public sector banks and private sector banks. It would be interesting to see the growth in lending to this sector by public sector banks.
As I have mentioned in the past most Indian real estate companies are fronts for the ill-gotten wealth of politicians. And a possible explanation for the lending to commercial real estate continuing to grow at the same rate as it had last year can be that politicians have been forcing public sector banks to continue to lend to real estate companies.
This continued lending has helped real estate companies to continue repaying their old loans to banks. This has allowed real estate companies to not cut prices on their unsold homes. If bank loans had not been so forthcoming, the real estate companies would have to sell off their existing inventory to repay their bank loans. And in order to do that they would have to cut prices.
In fact, there is nothing new about this modus operandi. Ajit Dayal, an investment manager and the founder of Quantum Asset Management Company had made a similar point in a column in October 2009: “Banks have used your money[i.e. depositors’ money] to give it as a loan to real estate developers. Their act of giving the loan to real estate developers gives them badly needed cash. The real estate developers no longer need to sell their real estate to get “cash flow” to stay alive. They got the money from the banks.”
These loans have allowed enough leeway to real estate companies to launch more new projects. As an article in The Financial Express points out “With more than a hundred launches, across the top real estate markets in Mumbai, Delhi, Bangalore and Pune, and attractively-priced offerings, it could turn out to be a cracker of a Diwali for developers.”
As mentioned earlier, the fresh loans from banks has allowed real estate companies to not cut prices. This, despite the fact that they have a huge inventory of unsold homes. In fact, a July 2014 report in The Times of India quotes Pankaj Kapoor of property research firm Liases Foras as saying “In Mumbai, the average cost of a flat is Rs 1.2 crore.”
An estimate made by Forbes put the average income of a Mumbaikar at $5900 or around Rs 3.54 lakh (assuming $1 = Rs 60) per year. This means it would need nearly 34 years of annual income (Rs 1.2 crore divided Rs 3.54 lakh) for an average Mumbaikar to buy a home in this city currently. What this tells us very broadly that homes in Mumbai are very expensive. Similar calculations done for other parts of the country are most likely to show similar results, though probably the situation might be a little better in other cities.
Nevertheless, the real estate companies never get tired of giving us other reasons. One favourite reason often offered is that people are not buying homes because interest rates are very high. This reason was offered yesterday as well, after the RBI decided to keep the repo rate at 8%. Repo rate is the rate at which RBI lends to banks.
The Confederation of Real Estate Developers’ Associations of India, a real estate lobby, said in a statement yesterday that it was “disappointed with the status quo on the RBI policy rates and demands a reduction in interest rates to facilitate lowering of entry barrier and spur demand for the real estate sector.”
Well, even if the RBI were to cut interest rates by 50-100 basis points (one basis point is one hundredth of a percentage) how would it help in home sales, is beyond my understanding.
So what is a reasonable home price to annual income ratio? An April 2013 article in Forbes points out that “The price-to-income ratio looks at the total cost/price of a home relative to median annual incomes. Historically, the typical, median home in the U.S. cost 2.6 times as much as the median annual income (so if the median income in an area was $100,000, the median price of a home would typically be about $260,000: $100,000 * 2.6).”
A similar scenario emerges in Great Britain as well. A January 2014 article on www.economicshelp.org points out that “First time buyers in London are seeing house prices at a record 7.5 times average earnings. For the UK as a whole, the ratio of 4.3 is still above long term trends.” In comparison, if it takes 34 years of annual income to buy a home, what it clearly means is that the real estate companies have clearly priced themselves out of the market.
But this is something they really won’t want to believe because now they are used to the high prices that have commanded over the last few years.
The article appeared originally on www.FirstBiz.com on Oct 1, 2014

(Vivek Kaul is the author of the Easy Money trilogy. He tweets @kaul_vivek)