IOC

Of LIC and the great Indian disinvestment farce

LIC
I should have written this column around a week back, nevertheless it’s still not too late to make the point that I want to make.

On August 24, 2015, the BSE Sensex fell by 1624.51 points or a whopping 5.94% to close at 25,741.56 points. This was the biggest drop that India’s premier stock market index had seen since January 7, 2009.

In all the hungama that followed around the Sensex fall another important story got buried. On the same day, the government was trying to sell 24.28 crore shares or 10% stake in the Indian Oil Corporation (IOC) at Rs 387 per share. The government was hoping to raise around Rs 9,400 crore through this disinvestment.

In the budget presented in February earlier this year, the government had set a disinvestment target of Rs 69,500 crore. Of this amount it hopes to raise Rs 28,500 crore through what it calls strategic disinvestment.

On a day when stock markets all over the world fell it was hardly surprising that there were almost no takers for the government’s share sale. The retail portion of the IOC disinvestment issue was subscribed only 0.18 times i.e. only about one-fifth of the shares that were offer.

The fact that the government had no idea of what was about to hit it, can be made out by the disinvestment secretary Aradhana Johri’s comment on August 21, 2015. She said that the stock market had an “excellent appetite” for the IOC offering. As it turned out, her definition of the stock market included only one investor. In the end, the Modi government, like the governments before it, had to call on the Life Insurance Corporation (LIC) of India to come to its rescue.
LIC picked up 20.87 crore shares or 8.59 per cent of IOC and thus bailed out the government. This would have cost LIC around Rs 8,087 crore. There are multiple points that need to be made here.

The government treats LIC as a sovereign wealth fund, which keeps coming to its rescue whenever required. But the money LIC has and manages is not the government’s money. The LIC manages the hard earned savings of the people of India and given that these savings need to be treated with a little more respect.

A filing made on the Bombay Stock Exchange website points out that LIC now owns 11.11% of IOC. SEBI rules do not allow mutual funds to own more than 10% of a company. This is to prevent concentration of risk on the overall investment portfolio. But this does not apply to LIC, given that it is an insurance company.
The question is why is the government allowing this concentration of risk in LIC’s investment portfolio to happen? Why are rules different for the private sector and the public sector? Ultimately like mutual funds, LIC is also basically managing money.

The LIC chairman SK Roy has said in the past that “every investment decision happens after due diligence.” What due diligence leads to an investment corporation (which LIC basically is) to buy a share at Rs 387, when the weighted average price of the stock during the course of the day was around Rs 380?

Roy told The Indian Express in an interview in July 2015: “If you see the OFS (offer for sale) of last 14 months, we have never got more than 50 per cent of the offered amount…So the question of bailing out doesn’t arise. A bailout happens when the entire 100 per cent is taken by us. There’s no data to support this.”

In the IOC disinvestment last week, LIC bought 20.87 crore shares of the 24.28 crore shares that were on sale. This amounts to 86% of the total shares that were being sold by the government. This makes it clear that the LIC bailed out the government and what Roy had claimed in July is no longer true. Further, Roy’s claim about following “due diligence” doesn’t really hold. Like previous LIC chairmen he also followed instructions from Delhi though he can’t admit to doing the same.

Also, if IOC is a good buy, why was LIC bringing down its stake in the company since June? As on June 30, 2015, LIC’s holding in IOC was 2.83%. Before the August 24 purchase, this holding was down to 2.52%. Hence, over a period of nearly seven weeks, LIC had sold a substantial stake in the company.

Also, as an LIC official told Business Standard on the condition of anonymity: “LIC is a long-term investor and we looked at the offer quality and subscribed for it. A call was made to us since as there was a crisis-like situation with the markets. We have not set aside any funds for disinvestment. We take a call based on the merit of every offer.” So, if IOC was such a good buy why had not LIC set aside any money for it?

Further, any ‘real’ disinvestment happens when shares are bought by the private sector (be it retail or institutional investors). But what seems to be happening with the Modi government’s disinvestment programme is that the LIC is taking over from the government. One arm of the government is being replaced by another government. This is nothing but a farce.

In fact, the disinvestment secretary Ardhana Johri made a good joke when she told PTI that the sale was “highly successful given the market conditions” and “with this the government has managed the best-ever first half disinvestment collections in seven years.” The government has managed to raise around Rs

Hence, on this front the Modi government has been no different from the earlier Manmohan Singh government, which also used to get LIC to rescue its disinvestment share sales.

Also, what is the point of going through this elaborate farce anyway? If shares are to be bought by LIC, why does the insurance behemoth have to buy shares from the market? Why can’t the government allocate shares to LIC directly and at a discount, so that LIC investors can also gain, given that it is their hard earned money that is being put to such risk?

To conclude, the government also plans to raise Rs 28,500 crore through strategic disinvestment. This is essentially a euphemism for the government selling its stakes in loss making companies. Further, the Cabinet has already approved sales of shares of such companies’ worth around Rs 50,000 crore.

I sincerely hope that if the stock market investors do not buy these shares, LIC is not forced to take them on.

The column was originally published on The Daily Reckoning on Sep 1, 2015

To meet fiscal deficit, Chidu does an Enron, junking all accounting principles

P-CHIDAMBARAMVivek Kaul  
The Mint newspaper has a very interesting article today on the finance minister’s P Chidambaram’s latest move to use the Reserve Bank of India(RBI) to help meet the fiscal deficit target of 4.8% of the GDP, set at the beginning of this financial year. Fiscal deficit is the difference between what a government earns and what it spends.
As per this plan the finance ministry is talking to the RBI for an interim payment or transfer of the central bank’s income. The RBI follows an accounting year of July to June. Given that, it usually transfers its income to the central government in August every year. Last year, the central bank had handed over Rs 33,100 crore to the government and the year before last, it had handed over Rs 16,100 crore.
But the government does not want to wait till August this year. It wants the central bank to pay up immediately, in order to contain the burgeoning fiscal deficit. The trouble is that the RBI Act does not have a provision for transferring surplus before the accounting year ends.
The government is desperate for any revenue irrespective of where it comes from. The fiscal deficit for the nine month period between April and December 2013, stood at Rs 5,16,390 crore or 95.2% of the annual target of Rs 5,42,499 crore (or 4.8% of the GDP as estimated in the budget presented in February 2013).
For the first nine months of the financial year, the government has run an average fiscal deficit of Rs 57,377 crore (Rs 5,16,390 crore/12). But for the remaining three months, it has very little room.If the government has to match the numbers projected in the budget presented in February 2013, over the next three months it can run a fiscal deficit of only around Rs 26,109 crore (Rs 5,42,499 crore – Rs 5,16,390 crore). This means an average fiscal deficit of Rs 8,703 crore per month, which is a whopping 85% lower than the average fiscal deficit per month that the government has run between April and December 2013.
One way of controlling the fiscal deficit is slashing expenditure. This is not very easy to do given that salaries need to be paid, employee provident fund needs to be deposited, interest on government debt needs to be paid and the government debt maturing needs to be repaid.
But one trick that the finance ministry has come up with on this front is to postpone a lot of payments to the next financial year. An article in the Business Standard estimates that subsidies of around Rs 1,23,000 crore will be postponed to the next financial year. These are subsidies on oil, food and fertilizer which should have been paid up by the government in this financial year, but will be postponed to the next financial year. The article points out that the government will need Rs 1,45,000 crore to pay up all the subsidies but is likely to sanction only around Rs 22,000 crore. This leaves a gap of Rs 1,23,000 crore which will be postponed to the next financial year, and will become a huge headache for the next government.
This essentially means that the government will not recognise expenditure when it incurs it, but only when it pays for that expenditure. This goes against the basic accounting principles, where an expenditure needs to be recognised during the period it is incurred. If a private company where to do such a thing it would be accused of fraud. Interestingly, even last year a lot of subsidy payments had been postponed. The American company Enron used this strategy for years to over- declare profits. It used to recognise revenue expected from the future years without recognising the expenditure expected against that revenue, and thus over-declare its profit.
That’s how things stack up for the government on the expenditure side. On the income side, the government is indulging in massive asset stripping. Since January 2014, public sector banks have announced interim dividends of Rs 27,474.4 crore. Now what is the logic here? Earlier this year, the government had put in Rs 14,000 crore of fresh capital in these banks. So, the government gives ‘x’ rupees to public sector banks and then takes away 2’x’ rupees from them.
Then there is the very interesting case of the Oil India Ltd and ONGC buying shares in Indian Oil Corporation worth Rs 5,000 crore, a company which is expected to lose around Rs 75,000 crore this year. Hence, no investor in his right mind would have bought stock in this company.
Given that all these companies are owned by the government, this is essentially a complicated manoeuvre of moving cash from the books of these companies to the books of the government. The next time any UPA politician talks about corporate governance, the example of IOC should be brought to his notice.
And then there is Coal India Ltd. The world’s largest coal producer declared a record dividend in January. This dividend aggregated to Rs 18,317.5 crore. Of this, the government will get Rs 16,485 crore, given that it owns 90% of the company. The government will also get Rs 3,100 crore, which Coal India will have to pay as dividend distribution tax. This money should actually have been used by Coal India to develop more coal mines so that India does not have to import coal, like it currently does, despite having massive coal reserves. But that of course, hasn’t happened.
Also, there is another basic issue here. The sale of assets from the balance sheet to meet current expenditure is not a great practice to follow, given that assets once sold cannot be re-sold, but the expenditure will have to be incurred every year. Asset sales cannot be a permanent source of revenue.
The UPA government has brought India to a brink of a financial disaster. The next government which will take over after the Lok Sabha elections later this year, will have a huge financial hole to fill. As the old Hindi film dialogue goes “hum to doobenge sanam, tumko bhi le doobenge (I will drown for sure, but I will ensure that you drown as well).” The UPA clearly has worked along those lines.
The article originally appeared on www.FirstBiz.com on February 12, 2014
(Vivek Kaul is a writer. He tweets @kaul_vivek) 

Post-WPI, Subbarao’s music may be more Baba Sehgal than Ilaiyaraaja


As I sit down to write this it is a rather cloudy, dull and insipid morning in Mumbai. An old Tamil number Vaa Vennila composed by the music maestro Ilaiyaraaja and sung by S P Balasubrahmanyam and S Janaki, is playing in the background. I happened to discover this song a few days back, quite by chance, and it has been playing nonstop on my laptop since then. It’s the most melodious composition that I have heard in a long-long time.
Dear Reader, before you start breaking your head over why am I talking about an old Ilaiyaraaja number, when the headline clearly tells you that I should be talking about other things, allow me to explain.
For a music director to be able to create melody a lot of things need to come together. First and foremost the tune has to be good. On top of that the musicians have to be able to flesh out the tune in a way that the music director had originally envisaged it. The lyrics need to make sense. The singers need to get the right emotion into the song and of course not be out of tune. The director of the movie needs to have the ability to recognize a good song when he hears one and not fiddle around with it. And so on.
The point I am trying to make is that “melody” cannot be created in isolation. A lot of things need to come together to create a melodious song and to have an individual born and brought in erstwhile Bihar of Kashmiri Pandit parents, who does not speak a word of Tamil (and not much Kashmiri either), humming it nearly 26 years after it was first released.
What is true about Ilaiyaraaja’s ability to create melody is also true about the ability of Duvvuri Subbarao, the governor of the Reserve Bank of India(RBI), to influence the Indian economy and take it in the direction where everyone wants him to.
The inflation number
The wholesale price index (WPI) inflation number for the month of June 2012 was released sometime back. The inflation has fallen to 7.25% against 7.55% in the month of May. The number has come in much lower than what the analysts and the economists were expecting it to be.
This is likely to lead to calls for the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) RBI to cut the repo rate.
The first quarter review of the monetary policy of the RBI is scheduled on July 31,2012. Industrialists, economists and analysts would want the RBI to cut the repo rate on this day. The repo rate is the interest rate at which RBI lends to the banks.
The first quarter review of the monetary policy is scheduled on July 31,2012. Industrialists, economists and analysts want the RBI to cut the repo rate on this day. The repo rate is the interest rate at which RBI lends to the banks.
So what is the idea behind this? When the RBI cuts the repo rate it is trying to send out a signal to that it expects the interest rates to come down in the months to come. If the banks think that the signal by the RBI is credible enough then they lower the interest rate they pay on their deposits. They also lower the interest rates they charge on their long term loans like home loans, car loans and loans to businesses. With people as well as businesses borrowing and spending more it is expected that the slowing economic growth will be revived.
That’s how things are expected to work in theory. But economic theory and practice do not always go together. The trouble is that even if the RBI cut the repo rate right now, the credibility of the signal would be under doubt, and banks wouldn’t cut interest rates. This is primarily because like Ilaiyaaraja, Subbarao and the RBI also do not work in isolation.
More loans than deposits
The incremental credit deposit ratio of the banks in the six month period between December 30,2011 and June 29,2012, has been 108%. What this means that during this period for every Rs 100 that banks have borrowed by raising deposits, they have loaned out Rs 108. Hence, banks have not been able to match their deposits to loans. They have been funding their loans out of deposits they had raised in periods previous to the six month period considered here. Given the shortage of deposits that banks are facing it doesn’t make sense for them to cut the interest rates on their deposits, even if the RBI were to go ahead and cut the repo rate. And if they can’t cut interest rates on their deposits there is no way the banks are going to cut interest rates on their loans. But why are banks facing a shortage of deposits?
The oil subsidy for this year is already over
The budget for the year 2012-2013 had made a provision of Rs 43,580 crore for oil subsidies. This provision is made to compensate the oil marketing companies (OMCs) Indian Oil Corporation, Bharat Petroleum and Hindustan Petroleum, for selling diesel, kerosene and LPG at a loss. Four months into the financial year the government has already run out of this money. The government has compensated the OMCs to the extent of Rs 38,500 crore for products at a loss in the last financial year (i.e. the period between April 1, 2011 and March 31,2012). This payment was made in this financial year and hence has been adjusted against the Rs 43,580 crore provisioned against oil subsidies in the budget for the current financial year.
The OMCs continue to sell these products at a loss. In the month of April 2012 they lost around Rs 17,000 crore by selling diesel, kerosene and LPG at a loss. In the last financial year the government compensated 60% of this loss. The remaining loss the government forced the oil producing companies like ONGC and Oil India Ltd, to compensate. So using the rate of 60%, the government would have to compensate around Rs 10,200 crore for the losses faced by the OMCs in the month of April. Add this to the Rs 38,500 crore of payment that has already been made, we end up with Rs 48,700crore. This is more than the Rs 43,580 crore that had been budgeted for.
The OMCs continue to lose money
The losses made by OMCs have come down since the beginning of the year. In April, the OMCs were losing Rs 563crore per day. A recent estimate made by ICICI Securities puts the number at Rs 355crore per day. At this rate the companies will lose around Rs 130,000 crore by the end of the year. Even if oil prices were to continue to fall the companies will continue losing substantial amount of money.
All this will mean an increase in expenditure for the government as it would have to compensate these companies to help them continue their operations and prevent them from going bust. An increase in expenditure would mean an increase in the fiscal deficit. Fiscal deficit is the difference between what the government spends and what it earns. The fiscal deficit for the current year has been budgeted to be at Rs 5,13,590 crore. It is highly unlikely that the government will be able to meet this target, given the continued losses faced by the OMCs.
Further borrowing from the government would mean that the pool of savings from which banks and other financial institutions can borrow will come down. This means that to banks will have to continue offering higher interest rates on their fixed deposits and hence keep charging higher interest rates on their loans.
High inflation
The consumer price index (CPI) inflation for the month of May stood at 10.36%, higher than the 10.26% in April. This is likely to go up even further in the days to come. The WPI inflation coming for the month of June has come in at xx%. And this is likely to push the CPI also in the days to come. CPI inflation will be pushed further given that the government increased the minimum support price on khareef crops from anywhere between 15-53% sometime back. These are crops which are typically sown around this time of the year for harvesting after the rains (i.e. September-October). The MSP for paddy (rice) has been increased from Rs 1,080 per quintal to Rs 1,250 per quintal. Other major products like bajra, ragi, jowar, soybean, urad, cotton etc, have seen similar increases. Also, after dramatically increasing prices for khareef crops, the government will have to follow up the same for rabi crops like wheat. Rabi crops are planted in the autumn season and harvested in winter. This will further fuel food inflation. Food constitutes around 50% of the consumer price index in India. In this scenario of higher inflation it will be very difficult for the RBI to cut the repo rate. And even if it does cut interest rates it is not going to be of any help as has been explained above.
To conclude
The way out of this mess is rather simple. Oil subsidies need to be cut down. That is the only way the government can hope to control its fiscal deficit. If things keep going the way they are I wouldn’t be surprised if the fiscal deficit of the government even touches the vicinity of Rs 6,00,000 crore against the budgeted Rs 5,13,590 crore.
Only once the government gives enough indications that it is serious about controlling the fiscal deficit, will the market start taking the interest rate policy of the RBI seriously. Before that even if the RBI were to cut interest rates it wouldn’t have an impact.
For Duvvuri Subbarao to make melody like Ilaiyaraaja does a lot of things which are not under his control need to come together. Ilaiyaraaja has control over the people he works with. He can tell his musicians what to play. He can ask his singers to sing in a certain way. He can ask his lyric writer to write a certain kind of song. And so on. Subbarao does not have the same control over the other players in the economy.
So in the meanwhile it is safe to say that try he might as much to make melody like Ilaiyaraaja, chances are he is likely to come up a song Baba Sehgal once made. It was called “Main Bhi Maddona”. For those who have heard the song will know that melody has never been “murdered” more.
(The article originally appeared on www.firstpost.com on July 16,2012. http://www.firstpost.com/economy/post-wpi-subbaraos-music-may-be-more-baba-sehgal-than-ilaiyaraaja-378448.html)
Vivek Kaul is a writer and can be reached at [email protected]

Petrol bomb is a dud: If only Dr Singh had listened…


Vivek Kaul
The Congress led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government finally acted hoping to halt the fall of the falling rupee, by raising petrol prices by Rs 6.28 per litre, before taxes. Let us try and understand what will be the implications of this move.
Some relief for oil companies:
The oil companies like Indian Oil Company (IOC), Bharat Petroleum (BP) and Hindustan Petroleum(HP) had been selling oil at a loss of Rs 6.28 per litre since the last hike in December. That loss will now be eliminated with this increase in prices. The oil companies have lost $830million on selling petrol at below its cost since the prices were last hiked in December last year. If the increase in price stays and is not withdrawn the oil companies will not face any further losses on selling petrol, unless the price of oil goes up and the increase is not passed on to the consumers.
No impact on fiscal deficit:
The government compensates the oil marketing companies like Indian Oil, BP and HP, for selling diesel, LPG gas and kerosene at a loss. Petrol losses are not reimbursed by the government. Hence the move will have no impact on the projected fiscal deficit of Rs 5,13,590 crore. The losses on selling diesel, LPG and kerosene at below cost are much higher at Rs 512 crore a day. For this the companies are compensated for by the government. The companies had lost Rs 138,541 crore during the last financial year i.e.2011-2012 (Between April 1,2011 and March 31,2012).
Of this the government had borne around Rs 83,000 crore and the remaining Rs 55,000 crore came from government owned oil and gas producing companies like ONGC, Oil India Ltd and GAIL.
When the finance minister Pranab Mukherjee presented the budget in March, the oil subsidies for the year 2011-2012 had been expected to be at Rs Rs 68,481 crore. The final bill has turned out to be at around Rs 83,000 crore, this after the oil producing companies owned by the government, were forced to pick up around 40% of the bill.
For the current year the expected losses of the oil companies on selling kerosene, LPG and diesel at below cost is expected to be around Rs 190,000 crore. In the budget, the oil subsidy for the year 2012-2013, has been assumed to be at Rs 43,580 crore. If the government picks up 60% of this bill like it did in the last financial year, it works out to around Rs 114,000 crore. This is around Rs 70,000 crore more than the oil subsidy that the government has budgeted for.
Interest rates will continue to remain high
The difference between what the government earns and what it spends is referred to as the fiscal deficit. The government finances this difference by borrowing. As stated above, the fiscal deficit for the year 2012-2013 is expected to be at Rs 5,13,590 crore. This, when we assume Rs 43,580crore as oil subsidy. But the way things currently are, the government might end up paying Rs 70,000 crore more for oil subsidy, unless the oil prices crash. The amount of Rs 70,000 crore will have to be borrowed from financial markets. This extra borrowing will “crowd-out” the private borrowers in the market even further leading to higher interest rates. At the retail level, this means two things. One EMIs will keep going up. And two, with interest rates being high, investors will prefer to invest in fixed income instruments like fixed deposits, corporate bonds and fixed maturity plans from mutual funds. This in other terms will mean that the money will stay away from the stock market.
The trade deficit
One dollar is worth around Rs 56 now, the reason being that India imports more than it exports. When the difference between exports and imports is negative, the situation is referred to as a trade deficit. This trade deficit is largely on two accounts. We import 80% of our oil requirements and at the same time we have a great fascination for gold. During the last financial year India imported $150billion worth of oil and $60billion worth of gold. This meant that India ran up a huge trade deficit of $185billion during the course of the last financial year. The trend has continued in this financial year. The imports for the month of April 2012 were at $37.9billion, nearly 54.7% more than the exports which stood at $24.5billion.
These imports have to be paid for in dollars. When payments are to be made importers buy dollars and sell rupees. When this happens, the foreign exchange market has an excess supply of rupees and a short fall of dollars. This leads to the rupee losing value against the dollar. In case our exports matched our imports, then exporters who brought in dollars would be converting them into rupees, and thus there would be a balance in the market. Importers would be buying dollars and selling rupees. And exporters would be selling dollars and buying rupees. But that isn’t happening in a balanced way.
What has also not helped is the fact that foreign institutional investors(FIIs) have been selling out of the stock as well as the bond market. Since April 1, the FIIs have sold around $758 million worth of stocks and bonds. When the FIIs repatriate this money they sell rupees and buy dollars, this puts further pressure on the rupee. The impact from this is marginal because $758 million over a period of more than 50 days is not a huge amount.
When it comes to foreign investors, a falling rupee feeds on itself. Lets us try and understand this through an example. When the dollar was worth Rs 50, a foreign investor wanting to repatriate Rs 50 crore would have got $10million. If he wants to repatriate the same amount now he would get only $8.33million. So the fear of the rupee falling further gets foreign investors to sell out, which in turn pushes the rupee down even further.
What could have helped is dollars coming into India through the foreign direct investment route, where multinational companies bring money into India to establish businesses here. But for that the government will have to open up sectors like retail, print media and insurance (from the current 26% cap) more. That hasn’t happened and the way the government is operating currently, it is unlikely to happen.
The Reserve Bank of India does intervene at times to stem the fall of the rupee. This it does by selling dollars and buying rupee to ensure that there is adequate supply of dollars in the market and the excess supply of rupee is sucked out. But the RBI does not have an unlimited supply of dollars and hence cannot keep intervening indefinitely.
What about the trade deficit?
The trade deficit might come down a little if the increase in price of petrol leads to people consuming less petrol. This in turn would mean lesser import of oil and hence a slightly lower trade deficit. A lower trade deficit would mean lesser pressure on the rupee. But the fact of the matter is that even if the consumption of petrol comes down, its overall impact on the import of oil would not be that much. For the trade deficit to come down the government has to increase prices of kerosene, LPG and diesel. That would have a major impact on the oil imports and thus would push down the demand for the dollar. It would also mean a lower fiscal deficit, which in turn will lead to lower interest rates. Lower interest rates might lead to businesses looking to expand and people borrowing and spending that money, leading to a better economic growth rate. It might also motivate Multi National Companies (MNCs) to increase their investments in India, bringing in more dollars and thus lightening the pressure on the rupee. In the short run an increase in the prices of diesel particularly will lead higher inflation because transportation costs will increase.
Freeing the price
The government had last increased the price of petrol in December before this. For nearly five months it did not do anything and now has gone ahead and increased the price by Rs 6.28 per litre, which after taxes works out to around Rs 7.54 per litre. It need not be said that such a stupendous increase at one go makes it very difficult for the consumers to handle. If a normal market (like it is with vegetables where prices change everyday) was allowed to operate, the price of oil would have risen gradually from December to May and the consumers would have adjusted their consumption of petrol at the same pace. By raising the price suddenly the last person on the mind of the government is the aam aadmi, a term which the UPAwallahs do not stop using time and again.
The other option of course is to continue subsidize diesel, LPG and kerosene. As a known stock bull said on television show a couple of months back, even Saudi Arabia doesn’t sell kerosene at the price at which we do. And that is why a lot of kerosene gets smuggled into neighbouring countries and is used to adulterate diesel and petrol.
If the subsidies continue it is likely that the consumption of the various oil products will not fall. And that in turn would mean oil imports would remain at their current level, meaning that the trade deficit will continue to remain high. It will also mean a higher fiscal deficit and hence high interest rates. The economic growth will remain stagnant, keeping foreign businesses looking to invest in India away.
Manmohan Singh as the finance minister started India’s reform process. On July 24, 1991, he backed his “then” revolutionary proposals of opening up India’s economy by paraphrasing Victor Hugo: “No power on Earth can stop an idea whose time has come.”
Good economics is also good politics. That is an idea whose time has come. Now only if Mr Singh were listening. Or should we say be allowed to listen..
(The article originally appeared at www.firstpost.com on May 24,2012. http://www.firstpost.com/economy/petrol-bomb-is-a-dud-if-only-dr-singh-had-listened-319594.html)
(Vivek Kaul is a writer and can be reached at [email protected])