The Real Brave-hearts are Those Who Still Have Deposits in IDBI Bank

IDBI-Bank-Careers-Mumbai-3
IDBI Bank is the worst performing public sector bank when it comes to its gross non-performing advances or bad loans. Bad loans are essentially loans in which the repayment from a borrower has been due for 90 days or more.

As on September 30, 2017, the bad loans rate of the bank stood at 24.98 per cent. This basically means that the borrowers have defaulted on nearly one-fourth of the loans given by the bank. Now take a look at Figure 1. It plots the bad loans of IDBI Bank over the last three years.

Figure 1: 

The bad loans rate of IDBI Bank has jumped from around 5 per cent to around 25 per cent, over a period of just three years. What is happening here? What this tells us is that initially the bank did not recognise bad loans as bad loans. It probably did that by restructuring loans (i.e. giving the borrowers more time to repay or decreasing their interest rate or by simply postponing their repayment) or by issuing fresh loans to borrowers in a weak position, so that they could repay the loans that were maturing. In the process, the recognition of bad loans as bad loans was avoided.

Of course, any bank can’t perpetually keep kicking the can down the road, and after a point of time must do the right thing. IDBI Bank is now doing the right thing of recognising bad loans as bad loans and given this it has such a high bad loans rate. Given that, one-fourth of the loans advanced by the bank have been defaulted on, it is worth asking whether this bank should be in the business of banking at all.

Nevertheless, the more important issue here is how do depositors view this bank. The best way to find this out is to look at the total amount of deposits the bank still has. Take a look at Figure 2, which plots that.

Figure 2: 

What does Figure 2 tell us? The total deposits of the bank have fallen after peaking in December 2016. Nevertheless, the total deposits with IDBI Bank are still higher than they were three years back. Hence, the conclusion that we can draw here is that while bad loans of the bank have gone up from 5 per cent to 25 per cent over a period of three years, the total deposits with the bank are still at the level they were.

Why is this the case? Why would you continue banking with such a bank? First and foremost, this faith comes from the great faith in the government. The government will not allow any bank to go bust. Fair enough. But why wait for that to happen? Typically, when a bank lands up in major trouble, the government tends to merge it with a bigger bank and thus the depositors continue to be safe. Nevertheless, such a merger is never smooth and there might be a brief time period when the full money deposited in the bank cannot be withdrawn. Hence, liquidity can become an issue.

Also, it is worth remembering here that IDBI Bank is not a small bank. It is a relatively big bank and had total assets of close to Rs 3,61,768 crore, as on March 31, 2017. This means that if the government were to decide to merge it with another bank, the balance sheet and the profit and loss account of the combined entity, will be another big mess.

Secondly, many people are simply unaware of how badly the bank is placed. This lack of knowledge about their financial activities is a general trend among many people in this country. We spend more time gossiping and worrying about the state of the nation, than the state of our own finances.

Thirdly, many people locked in their fixed deposits at high interest rates, a few years back. In the aftermath of demonetisation, interest rates have crashed as banks have been flush with funds that were deposited and at the same time their lending has crashed. Given this, even if some individuals understand the riskiness of the situation, they really can’t do much about it. In case they were to break their fixed deposits and move it to other banks, they would earn a much lower rate of interest.

And at that lower rate of interest, they would simply not be in a situation to meet their monthly expenses. This is another negative impact of demonetisation at play, with people having to continue to bank with risky public sector banks, which includes IDBI Bank.

While, some people are simply stuck with IDBI Bank, there are others who can easily move their money to other public sector banks, like State Bank of India, Vijaya Bank, Indian Bank, Syndicate Bank etc., which are in a comparatively much better position.

But given that they have chosen not to, they are the real brave-hearts.

The column originally appeared on November 6, 2017.

Why It’s Best to Stay Away from Buying LIC Policies

LIC

The Life Insurance Corporation(LIC) of India is India’s biggest insurance company. It is also India’s biggest investment firm.

It is so big that it keeps coming to the rescue of the government now and then, when the government cannot find enough buyers for the financial securities that it wants to sell.

Nevertheless, the question is, how good is LIC when it comes to generating returns on the investments it makes?

Before we figure that out, it is good to point out that LIC is basically an investment firm which also sells insurance. A major portion of the money that it collects as premium from Indians, against the so called insurance policies that it sells, is invested in stocks and bonds (both private as well as government).

The insurance policies that LIC sells are basically investment plans with a dash of insurance. And given that the premium that it collects and in turn invests, should be generating decent returns for the policyholders (actually investors). Of course, the tragedy is that most of these policy holders don’t even know that they are actually investors.

So how do things look? The accompanying table gives us the investment track record of LIC between 2005-2006 and 2014-2015. As is clear from the table the investment record of LIC has been dismal to say the least.

In 2014-2015, the investment firm earned a return of 7% on its investments. The average return on the 10-year government bond during the course of the year was 8.3%. The investment return of LIC was 130 basis points lower than the average return on a 10-year government bond. One basis point is one hundredth of a percentage.

YearIncome from investments (In Rs crore)Investments (In Rs Crore)Return (%)Average returns on 10 year govt bondDifference
2014-20151,35,48319,462,497.0%8.3%130 basis points
2013-20141,18,09716.846,907.0%8.4%140 basis points
2012-20131,03,88214,864,577.0%8.2%120 basis points
2011-201290,26713,495,326.7%8.5%180 basis points
2010-201177,66712,665,396.1%7.9%180 basis points
2009-201067,19810,958,416.1%7.3%120 basis points
2008-200956,5838,15,4846.9%7.6%70 basis points
2007-200847,9997,56,8916.3%7.9%160 basis points
2006-200740,5726,13,2676.6%7.8%120 basis points
2005-200635,4795,24,0176.8%7.2%40 basis points
Source: LIC annual reports and www.investing.com

[These numbers may not reflect mark-to-market on certain investments and hence the investment income may be higher, though it cannot meaningfully alter the returns.]

In fact, the difference between the average returns on a 10-year government bond during the course of a year and the investment returns of LIC vary between 40 basis points and 180 basis points. This is a huge difference.

The average return on investment for LIC over a period of ten years between 2005-2006 and 2014-2015 has been 6.7%. The average return on a ten-year bond has been 7.9%. The difference between the two returns is 120 basis points.

In fact, the average rate of inflation between 2005-2006 and 2014-2015 was 8.85%. Hence, the average return on investment of LIC was lower than the rate of inflation as well.

What does this tell us about a professional investment firm like LIC? It tells us that LIC is doing a terrible job of managing public money. Any investment firm should be able to generate average returns greater than the returns on government bonds, at least.  It should also be able to beat the inflation. In fact, that is what it is paid a fee for. But that doesn’t seem to be happening in case of LIC.

The investment returns of LIC have been consistently lower than the 10-year government bond returns. First and foremost, this tells us that the investment management capabilities of LIC are very bad, given that its investment returns have been 120 basis points lower than returns on a 10-year government bond, over a period of ten years.

Further, LIC would be simply better off by buying government bonds and then holding on to them till maturity, instead of actively trying to manage money. It would probably end up earning higher returns than it currently does.

Second, what this also tells us is that the government is interfering too much in the functioning of the firm and getting it to make investments, which it shouldn’t be making in the normal scheme of things. The government regularly gets LIC to invest in shares of public sector enterprises which other investors are not willing to pick up.

In the recent past LIC has picked up stakes in public-sector banks to help them meet their capital requirements. As a March 29, 2016, news-report in The Indian Express points out: “Since the beginning of 2016, LIC has brought into preferential allotment of as many as six banks, supporting the fund-raising requirement of these banks in turn. Share prices of PSBs on an average have declined close to 11.7% so far this year.”

The public-sector banks are sitting on a huge corporate-debt time bomb. Many corporates they have lent to over the years are currently no longer in a position to repay their loans or have simply siphoned off this money. The question is why is LIC money being invested in these banks? This is because the government wants to continue owning these banks, instead of selling them out.

Also, LIC now owns 21.22% of Corporation Bank, 14.37% of IDBI Bank and 14.99% of Dena Bank. Again, the question, why should an investment firm managing public money be taking on such concentrated risk? In fact, the Securities and Exchange Board of India(Sebi) regulations do not allow a mutual fund to own more than 10% of a company.

Why doesn’t the same rule apply to LIC as well? Like mutual funds LIC is also in the business of managing hard-earned public money.

Unnamed LIC officials in various news-reports justify this buying by saying that they are buying value. Maybe they are, but buying value does not mean betting the house on one stock. When an institution is managing as much money as LIC is, some basic investing principles need to be followed.

Third, it tells us that individuals are better off putting their money somewhere else rather buying LIC policies. What is the point in investing money in order to earn a return of 6-7% on an average? Yes, investing in LIC policies helps people save on tax, but there are better ways of saving tax like the Public Provident Fund(PPF).

Between 2009 and now the returns on PPF have never gone below 8%. In fact, currently the rate of interest on PPF is at 8.1%. As far as an insurance cover is concerned, individuals can look at buying a pure term insurance policy, which just offers insurance against the premium paid.

Fourth, the government needs LIC to finance its fiscal deficit and to keep rescuing the public sector enterprises which aren’t a viable business anymore. Fiscal deficit is the difference between what a government earns and what it spends. LIC helps the government finance its fiscal deficit by buying government bonds and at the same time it also helps the government meet its disinvestment target by buying shares of public sector enterprises which other investors are not interested in. This money helps narrow the fiscal deficit.

In the process, the returns that LIC is able to generate on its investment portfolio get compromised on.

Fifth, when was the last time you saw an article analysing the returns on various LIC policies?  Like is the case with other insurance companies, it is not possible to figure out which LIC plan has given what kind of return, over the years. Hence, it is best to stay away from investing in them.

The column originally appeared on Vivek Kaul’s Diary on April 21, 2016

One last time: The govt shouldn’t be running 27 banks

rupee
In yesterday’s edition of The Daily Reckoning
I explained why the privatisation of IDBI Bank is a test case for the Narendra Modi government.

The other important point that I made in the column (and have made in the past) and will make again today is that there is no reason the Modi government (or for that matter any other) should be running 27 public sector banks.

Let me first explain why I am making this point again today. Yesterday’s edition of The Times of India had a news-report headlined “Govt looks at 3 options to reduce stake in IDBI Bank“. This news-report talks about the three options the government is looking at in order bring down its stake in IDBI Bank.

While a decision on how the shares of IDBI Bank will be disinvested hasn’t been made, the three ways the government is looking at are: a) to sell the shares in small lots to the public through the stock exchanges. The trouble with this option is that the government may not be able to sell the shares at the best possible price.

b)The second option being considered is to sell the IDBI Bank shares to the likes of Life Insurance Corporation (LIC) of India, other government owned insurance companies and pension and provident funds, at a premium to the current market price. This option, as has often been the case in the past, is taking the easy way out.

c) The third option (which is very similar to the second option) being considered is to sell shares to public sector banks and financial institutions. This was tried in the case of Maruti Suzuki in 2005-2006. A PTI news-report published on January 12, 2006 points out: “The government today sold 8% shares in MarutiUdyog for Rs 1,567.60 crore with Life Insurance Corporation (LIC) picking up more than 50% of the 2,31,12,804 shares sold by the government. LIC successfully bid for 1,68,00,000 shares at Rs 682 per share. Eight public financial institutions have picked up Maruti shares. SBI would be getting 39,27,074 shares at Rs 660 per share.”

None of these methods will lead to genuine privatisation. If the government sells shares to the general public through the stock exchanges, it will continue to remain the majority owner of shares in the bank. And that is the basic problem. As I had pointed out in yesterday’s column, the private sector banks are much better run and more profitable than their public sector counterparts.

Currently, the government owns 76.5% of the IDBI Bank. Even if it were to reduce its shareholding to 49%, it will still continue to be the biggest shareholder in the bank. With government ownership comes political corruption, crony capitalism and bad lending, which leads to bad loans. This story has played out over the last few years.

In fact, the net non-performing assets of public sector banks, for the financial year ending on March 31, 2015, stood at 2.92% of their total advances (i.e. loans). It was at 2.01% for the financial year ended March 31, 2013. In comparison, the private sector banks are extremely well placed with their net non-performing assets being at 0.89% of their total advances. For financial year ending on March 31, 2013, the net non-performing assets of these banks stood at 0.52%.

What this clearly tells us is that the private sector banks are better at lending money given that they don’t have to deal with political corruption and crony capitalism. In a poor country like India it is important that any money that is being lent is utilized properly as far as possible and is not siphoned off by greedy businessmen. It has become clear over the last few years that businessmen find it easy to siphon off money they have borrowed from public sector banks in comparison to private sector banks.

The second option being considered by the government is to sell shares to LIC. The interesting thing is that LIC already owns 8.59% of the bank. Does it make sense to allow LIC’s investment in any stock to go beyond 10%? The Securities and Exchange Board of India does not allow mutual funds to own more than 10% of a company. This is to prevent concentration of risk on the overall investment portfolio. But this does not apply to LIC, given that it is an insurance company.

The question is why is the government allowing this concentration of risk in LIC’s investment portfolio to happen? Ultimately like mutual funds, LIC is also basically managing money.

Further, it is also important to state here that the money that LIC has is not government’s money. LIC manages the hard earned savings of the people of India and given that these savings need to be treated with a little more respect.

Also, selling shares to LIC or the State Bank of India, for that matter, means that the ownership stays with the government. And that as I have stated earlier, is the basic problem. For IDBI Bank to do well, it needs genuine privatisation with a private owner, with the government being a minority shareholder at best.

As I had mentioned in yesterday’s column, IDBI Bank is saddled with a huge amount of bad loans. And given this it is not surprising that the government owned financial institutions are not keen on picking up any stake in the bank.

The Times of India news-report cited at the beginning points out: “State-run entities are, however, not very keen on buying the government stake. “Given the distress in the banking sector, IDBI Bank may not be the best bet since its retail as set base is weak and it has legacy issues,” said a top official.”

IDBI Bank was a major lender to Kingfisher. It also lent to Deccan Chronicle Holdings, Bhushan Steel and Jaypee Associaties, companies which are in a financial mess.

Also, if the government follows any of these three methods to sell shares in IDBI Bank, as the majority shareholder it will have to continue to keep pumping money into the bank. In fact, the government holding in the bank has gone up “from 65.14% in July 2010 to 76.5% in December 2013 by total equity infusion amounting to Rs 5,300 crore”.

Any increase in holding will bring us back to square one.

In May 2014, the Committee to Review Governance of Boards of Banks in India (better known as the PJ Nayak Committee) had submitted a detailed report on reforming the public sector banks in India.

The Nayak committee estimated that between January 2014 and March 2018 “public sector banks would need Rs. 5.87 lakh crores of tier-I capital.” The committee further said that: “assuming that the Government puts in 60 per cent (though it will be challenging to raise the remaining 40 per cent from the capital markets), the Government would need to invest over Rs. 3.50 lakh crores.”

The government on the other hand estimates that “the capital requirement of extra capital for the next four years up to FY 2019 is likely to be about Rs.1,80,000 crore.” Of this amount it proposes to invest Rs 70,000 crore. It has not explained from where will it get the remaining Rs 1,10,000 crore.

These are not small amounts that we are talking about. The tendency is to look at the government ownership in many public sector enterprises as family silver and hence, be careful while selling it. But in case of many public sector banks that cannot be really said. If the government continues to own public sector banks in the years to come it will have to keep pumping money into them in order to keep them going.

Take a look at the accompanying table. I have picked up five banks which are of a similar size. There are two private sector banks (HDFC Bank and ICICI Bank) and three public sector banks (Bank of India, Punjab National Bank and Canara Bank) in the table. The profit of the private sector banks is many times the profit made by the public sector banks. Their bad loans are also significantly lower. In fact, HDFC Bank makes more money than Bank of India, Punjab National Bank and Canara Bank put together. So does ICICI Bank.

Name of the bankTotal assets (in Rs crore)Net profit (in Rs crore)Bad loans (Net NPAs to Net Advances)
HDFC Bank5,90,50310,215.920.20%
ICICI Bank6,46,12911,175.351.61%
Bank of India6,18,6981,709.003.36%
Punjab National Bank6,03,3343,062.003.55%
Canara Bank5,48,0012,703.002.65%

Source: Indian Banks’ Association. As on March 31, 2015
To conclude, people keep reminding me that comparing the performance of public sectors banks with private sector banks is like comparing apples and oranges. The public sector banks have social obligations which private sector banks don’t. This is true. Nevertheless, the question is does the government need to own 27 banks in order to fulfil its social obligations?

I think, the government can easily go about fulfilling social-sector obligations by owning the State Bank of India and 4-5 other banks which are strong in different regions of the country.

Finally, a government should not be running so many banks. There are so many other things that it should be concentrating on, but it doesn’t.

(The column originally appeared on The Daily Reckoning on Nov 5, 2015)

IDBI Bank’s privatisation will be a test case for Modi govt

IDBI-Bank-Careers-Mumbai-3

Several news items in the last few days seem to suggest that the Narendra Modi government has plans of privatising IDBI Bank. A newsreport in The Economic Times talks about a “high-level committee headed by the cabinet secretary that will oversee strategic divestments”. The report also said that the “the first proposal likely to be examined by the panel will be the sale of the government’s stake in IDBI Bank to convert it to a private bank.”

The minister of state for finance Jayant Sinha had hinted at something similar last week when he told the media that “we’ll consider transforming IDBI Bank in a manner similar to the way Axis Bank was done.”

IDBI Bank is among the bigger public sector banks. It is the fifth biggest public sector bank in terms of market capitalisation. It is the seventh biggest in terms of total assets. But it’s the tenth biggest in terms of net profit.

The gross non-performing assets (bad loans) of the bank have been going up over the years. As of March 31, 2009, they stood at 1.38%. By March 31, 2015, they had jumped to 5.9% of total assets. Over and above this, the bank also had restructured assets (where the tenure of the loan or the interest on the loan has been changed in favour of the borrower) worth Rs 20,900 crore as on March 31, 2015.   The number had stood at Rs 3,100 crore as on March 31, 2009.

The restructured assets as well as bad loans of the bank have grown at a fairly rapid rate. This clearly tells us is that the restructured assets are turning into bad loans in the time to come. The bank, like many others, has used the restructured assets route to kick the ‘bad loans can’ down the road.

The accumulation of bad loans has essentially led to a situation where the net profit of the bank has gone nowhere over the last six years. The net profit for the financial year ending March 31, 2009, was at Rs 859 crore. Six years later, the net profit for the financial year ending March 31, 2015, stood at a similar Rs 873 crore.

Flat profits due to an increase in bad loans essentially explains why the bank is seventh largest public sector bank when it comes to total assets but tenth largest when it comes to profit. In fact, flat profits have essentially led to a situation where the return on assets as well as return on equity of the bank have fallen dramatically over the years. The return on assets has halved from 0.6% as of March 2009 to 0.3% as of March 2015. The return on equity has totally collapsed from 12.1% to 3.9% during the same period.

Currently, the government owns 76.5% in IDBI Bank and any serious plan of privatisation would mean the government bringing down its stake in the bank majorly in the time to come. In fact, the government holding in the bank has gone up “from 65.14% in July 2010 to 76.5% in December 2013 by total equity infusion amounting to Rs 5,300 crore”.

There are several reasons why the government should privatise IDBI Bank. First and foremost as I have said in the past, there is no reason that a government should be running 27 public sector banks. There are other more important areas that need its attention.

Second, the return on equity on the government’s investment in the bank has fallen dramatically over the years. At 3.9%, it is lower than even the 4% interest that banks pay on their savings bank account. Hence, the government is not being adequately compensated for the investment risk.

How will privatisation help? As TN Ninan writes in The Turn of the Tortoise—The Challenge and Promise of India’s Future: “The last quarter century’s experience has shown that when the private sector is asked to provide telecom services, run airlines and airports, build and run ports, undertake banking, distribute electricity and even undertake water supply, the result is usually (though not always, for there is no shortage of private banks and airlines that have failed) a substantial improvement on what, the government was doing until then.”

This becomes clear from the fact that in the last financial year (April 1, 2014 to March 31, 2015) the private sector banks operating in India made a total profit of Rs 38,219.35 crore. In comparison, the public sector banks made a profit of Rs 37,820 crore.

This despite the fact that the total assets of private sector banks form only around 29.2% of the total assets of public sector banks. Assets owned by private sector banks in India form only 22.6% of the total assets owned by banks in India. Despite this, they are more profitable than public sector banks.

Interestingly, the total profit of public sector banks for the financial year ending March 31, 2013(April 1, 2012 to March 31, 2013), had stood at Rs 50,583 crore. Since then it has fallen by 25.2% to Rs 37,820 crore. The profit of private sector banks has jumped by 31.8% (from Rs 28,995.43 crore) to Rs 38,219.35 crore.

Between 2013 and 2015 as the economic scenario has gotten worse, the public sector banks have faltered big time. Meanwhile, the private banks have continued to increase their profits.

IDBI Bank as on March 31, 2015, had Rs 3,56,031 crore worth of total assets. As pointed out earlier it made a net profit of Rs 873 crore during the course of the financial year. Now compare this to Kotak Mahindra Bank which had total assets worth Rs 1,06,012 crore as on March 31, 2015. It made a net profit of Rs 1,866 crore, which was much more than that of IDBI Bank. Similar numbers can be put forward for other private sector banks like IndusInd Bank and Yes Bank as well, in comparison to those of IDBI Bank. These banks are significantly smaller than IDBI Bank but make much more money. [Data sourced from Indian Banks’ Association]

The government’s 76.5% stake in IDBI Bank is currently worth Rs 10,380.6 crore. If it privatises the bank, chances are whatever equity that it chooses to retain in the bank will end up being worth much more than it currently is, in the days to come.

The question is will the government get around to privatising IDBI Bank? The employees of IDBI Bank have called strike on November 27, later this month, to oppose the government’s move to privatise the bank. This shouldn’t stop the government from privatising the bank. The good part is that unlike a systematically important institution like Coal India, the employees of IDBI Bank have a limited nuisance value. Hence, a strike by IDBI Bank is not going to hurt many others. And this should help push through the decision.

Further, the government shouldn’t stop at IDBI Bank. This will be a test case for it on whether it will be able to continue privatising other public sector enterprises in the years to come.

There are many public sector enterprises which the government has no reason to own.

Like Mahangar Telephone Nigam Ltd.

Like Air India.

The column originally appeared on The Daily Reckoning on Nov 4, 2015

Disinvestment: The more things change, the more they remain the same

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When finance minister Arun Jaitley presented the budget of the Narendra Modi government in February 2015, he set an aggressive disinvestment target of Rs 69,500 crore. Disinvestment refers to the government selling the shares it holds in public sector companies.

In late October, this aggressive disinvestment target was given a quiet burial.

A series of statements have been made in order to justify the slashing of the disinvestment target. “The target of Rs 30,000 crore seems more reasonable for current fiscal given that there is no big stock to sell,” a source told The Economic Times.

The minister of state for finance Jayant Sinha blamed it on the falling and low commodity prices. As he recently said: “One of the reasons why the divestment process is challenging right now is because many of the companies we are considering for divestment are in the commodity industries…Whether it is Coal India or OMCs (Oil Marketing Companies) and so on. They are impacted by global commodity prices.”

Sinha’s boss Jaitley more or less came up with the same reason when he said: “I don’t think it makes sense divesting at a time when [commodity] prices are low.”

How much sense does this argument make? Did commodity prices start to fall from March 1, 2015, a day after the budget was presented? On May 26, 2014, when Narendra Modi was sworn-in as the prime minister of India, the price of the Indian basket of crude was $108.05 per barrel. By February 27, 2015, a day before Jaitley presented the budget, the price of the Indian basket of crude oil had fallen by 44.6% to $59.85 per barrel. Hence, the price of oil had already been falling for a while at the time the budget was presented. The price of the Indian basket of crude oil is currently at $44.72 per barrel.

In fact, oil was not the only commodity falling. As an editorial in The Financial Express points out: “Similarly, in the case of copper, prices were $8,061/tonne in February 2013, $7,149 in February 2014 and $5,729 in February 2015—prices are down to $5,142.5 now. In the case of zinc, prices fell from $2,129/tonne in February 2013 to $ 2,034.5 in February 2014 and rose a bit to $2,098 in February 2015—prices are down to $1,687 now.”

So commodity prices were falling even in February when the government presented the budget. Why offer the reason now? Sinha offered another explanation as well: “Obviously, we have to ensure that we get best possible valuation for these valuable enterprises,” he said.

What does he mean here? On February 27, 2015, the BSE Sensex had closed at 29,220.12 points. Since then it has fallen by around 9.1% and closed yesterday (November 2, 2015) at 26,559.15 points. This is not such a big fall in the context of the stock market.

In fact, Jaitley had clearly pointed out in June earlier this year that a fall in the stock market would not lead to the government going slow on the disinvestment programme. As Jaitley had said: “I don’t read too much on daily movements as far as markets are concerned. By and large with the health of economy recovering, I see much greater stability as far as markets are concerned. And therefore, the disinvestment programme of the government will continue as it has been planned.”

So, if Jaitley was not reading too much into daily movements of the stock market in June, why is Sinha (and by that definition Jaitley as well) reading too much into the daily movements of the stock market, now?

Also, when an aggressive disinvestment target of Rs 69,500 crore was set, wasn’t the chance that the stock market will ‘fluctuate’ taken into account?

And why has all the optimism that was being projected on the disinvestment front by the government ‘suddenly’ evaporated now?

The stock market had touched a level of 26,500 points (as it is now) even in June earlier this year. So what has changed between then and now?

The broader point here is that the logic of commodity prices falling offered by the government to go slow on disinvestment now, was valid even at the time of presenting the budget. As The Financial Express edit quoted earlier points out: “If the government still went ahead and set an aggressive target for FY16[ 2015-2016], this implied it planned to be selling shares regularly, irrespective of the price—clearly that was an incorrect perception.”

Up until now the government has managed to disinvest shares worth only Rs 12,700 crore. Of this Rs 8,077 crore has come from the Life Insurance Corporation of India. So, there hasn’t been much disinvestment in the strictest sense of the term, nearly seven months into the financial year. What this tells us is that the government was not serious about disinvestment in the first place.

Given this, it is not surprising that the government has now decided to slash the disinvestment target. In fact, this has been a regular feature with almost all governments since disinvestment of public sector shares came to the fore in the early 1990s.

As AK Bhattacharya writes in a recent column in the Business Standard: “Since disinvestments of government equity in PSUs began in 1991-92, only on two occasions has a government met its target set at the start of the year. In the last year of the Narasimha Rao-led Congress government in 1994-95, total disinvestments of Rs 4,843 crore exceeded the target of Rs 4,000 crore set for that year and in the first year of the Atal Bihari Vajpayee-led government in 1998-99, total disinvestment proceeds were estimated at Rs 5,371 crore, compared with the target of Rs 5,000 crore.”
Of the total disinvestment target of Rs 69,500 crore, the government had budgeted Rs 28,500 crore to come in from the strategic sale of equity, which was basically a euphemism for privatisation. Nearly seven months into the financial year the government has given only given some indication of privatising IDBI Bank.

In this reluctance to privatise and continue holding on to companies, Narendra Modi is only following the Congress governments before him. In fact, TN Ninan makes an excellent summary of the way things stand as of now in his book The Hare and the Tortoise—The Challenge and Promise of India’s Future: “It is a matter of regret that Narendra Modi, who got elected on the promise of ‘minimum government, maximum governance’, has shown no taste for radical change or minimizing government…The government system continues to run loss-making airlines and hotels, three-wheeler units and Mahanagar Telephone Nigam, whose sales revenue is less than 40% of expenditure.”

Meanwhile, as I sit writing this column, its one am in the morning and one of the TV channels is replaying Modi’s election speech in Bihar.

As the old saying goes, the more things change, the more they remain the same.

(The column originally appeared on The Daily Reckoning on November 3, 2015)