How the Federal Reserve caused the Great Recession


This column is slightly different from the ones I usually write. On most days the idea is to write on something which is currently happening. This column doesn’t fit that formula.

In this column I wanted to write about how our world view plays a huge part in what we think and the decisions that we make, and how those decisions can turn out to be majorly wrong in the long-term, even though when we were making them they seemed to be the perfectly correct thing to do.

The dotcom bubble started to burst in early 2000. Soon after on September 11, 2011, several airliners were hijacked, of which two flew into the iconic World Trade Center in New York and one into Pentagon. The American economy which was going through tough times in the aftermath of the dotcom bubble collapsing, got into even more trouble after 9/11.

Alan Greenspan, who was the Chairman of the Federal Reserve of the United States, at that point of time, recalls in his book The Age of Turbulence that the American economy had been in a minor recession for a period of seven months before September 2001. And in the aftermath of the attacks, the reports and statistics streaming in painted a very worrying picture.

Americans had stopped spending on everything other than the items they would need in case there were more attacks. Sales of grocery items had gone up; so had sales of security devices, insurance, and bottled water. On the flip side, businesses like travel, entertainment, hotels, tourism, and even automobiles were majorly hit.

The American economy is very consumer driven and if consumers stop spending, then the economic growth immediately collapses. This was likely to happen in the months that followed September 2001.

With spending collapsing, there was a danger of the minor recession turning into a major one. To prevent this, Greenspan, as he had in the past, decided to cut interest rates. The federal funds rate, which was at 3.5 percent before the attack, was cut four times and brought down to 1.75 percent by the end of the year, starting with the first rate cut of 50 basis points, or half a percentage point, on September 17, 2001, six days days after the attack. (One basis point is one hundredth of a percentage). The federal funds rate is the interest rate at which one bank lends funds maintained at the Federal Reserve to another bank on an overnight basis. It acts as a sort of a benchmark for the interest rates that banks charge on their short and medium term loans.

Central banks cut interest rates in the hope that consumers would borrow money to spend and businesses would borrow money to expand, and so the economy would grow. As James Rickards writes in The Death of Money—The Coming Collapse of the International Monetary System: “We all asked ourselves how we could help [in the aftermath of the attack]. The only advice we got from Washington was ‘get down to Disney World … take your families and enjoy life’.”

People did borrow and spend, but they went overboard with it. America’s new bubble after dot-com was real estate and it was built on the belief that anyone could make money in real estate. As Stephen D. King puts it in When the Money Runs Out: “The white heat of the 1990s technological revolution was replaced by the stone cold of a housing boom.”

Between January 2001 and mid-2003, the federal funds rate was cut by 550 basis points to one percent. The interest rate stayed at one percent for little over a year.

The Federal Reserve did not want the United States to become another Japan. Japan had been in a low growth environment since the collapse of the stock market and the real estate bubbles, starting in late 1989. Prices had been regularly falling. In an environment of falling prices(or deflation) consumers keep postponing consumption in the hope of getting a better deal in the future. This leads to businesses suffering and the economic growth collapsing.

Ben Bernanke, who would takeover as the Chairman of the Federal Reserve from Alan Greenspan in 2006, joined the Federal Reserve in 2002 as a governor. Bernanke was a scholar on the Great Depression of 1929.

In one of the first speeches that Bernanke made after joining the Federal Reserve he said: “Whenever we read newspaper reports about Japan, where what seems to be a relatively moderate deflation—a decline in consumer prices of about 1 percent per year—has been associated with years of painfully slow growth, rising joblessness, and apparently intractable financial problems in the banking and corporate sectors … the consensus view is that deflation has been an important negative factor in the Japanese slump… I believe that the chance of significant deflation in the United States in the foreseeable future is extremely small… So, having said that deflation in the United States is highly unlikely, I would be imprudent to rule out the possibility altogether.”

This fear of not becoming another Japan and at the same time not engineering another Great Depression led to the Federal Reserve keeping interest rates low much longer than it should have. This led to the real estate bubble which would finally start bursting in 2007-2008.

As Barry Eichengreen writes in his brilliant new book Hall of Mirrors—The Great Depression, The Great Recession and The Uses—And Misuses—Of History: “With benefit of hindsight, we can say that the Fed overestimated the risk of deflation and responded too preemptively and aggressively. As a student of Japan and of the Great Depression, Bernanke may have been overly sensitive to the danger of deflation at this point of time. In other words, history may be useful for informing the views of policy makers of how to respond to certain risks, but it may also shape and inform outlooks in ways that heighten other risks”

Bernanke’s world view led to the Federal Reserve keeping interest rates low much longer than it should have. Over and above this, the inflation data that was coming out at that point of time may also have had a role to play. As Eichengreen writes: “Distorted data may have also contributed to the Fed’s exaggerated concern with deflation. Contemporaneous data showed the personal consumption expenditure deflator[the inflation index that the Federal Reserve follows], cleansed of volatile food and fuel prices, falling to less than 1% in 2003, dangerously close to negative territory. Subsequent revisions revealed that inflation in fact had already bottomed out at 1.5% and was now safely on the rise.”

This led to Federal Reserve maintaining low interest rates, when it should have been raising them. In the process, the Fed ended up fuelling the real estate bubble, which finally led to the bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers in September 2008, and the start of the current financial crisis, which was followed by what is now known as the Great Recession.

The column originally appeared on The Daily Reckoning on May 29, 2015

Why there is no alternative to the dollar, the Russian threat notwithstanding

 3D chrome Dollar symbolVivek Kaul 

Sergei Glazyev, a close advisor to the Russian President Vladmir Putin, recently threatened that if the United States imposed sanctions on Russia, over what is happening in Ukraine, then Russia might be forced drop the dollar as a reserve currency. He also said that if the United States froze the bank accounts of Russian businesses, then Russia will recommend that all investors of US government bonds start selling them.
How credible is this threat? Is Russia really in a position to drop dollar as a reserve currency? Or is any country in that position for that matter?
There are a host of factors which seem to suggest that the dollar will continue to be at the heart of the international financial system. As Barry Eichengreen writes in 
Exorbitant Privilege – The Rise and Fall of the Dollar, “The dollar remains far and away the most important currency for invoicing and settling international transactions, including even imports and exports that do not touch US shores. South Korea and Thailand set the prices of more than 80 percent of their trade in dollars despite the fact that only 20 percent of their exports go to American buyers. Fully 70 percent of Australia’s exports are invoiced in dollars despite the fact that fewer than 6 percent are destined for the United States…A recent study for Canada, a county with especially detailed data, shows that nearly 75 percent of all imports fromcountries other than United States continue to be invoiced and settled in U.S. dollars”
So, most international transactions are priced in dollars. Most commodities including oil and gold are priced in dollars. Over and above this dollar remains the main currency in the foreign exchange market. 
As Jermey Warner writes in The Telegraph “For instance, if you were looking to buy Singapore dollars with Russian roubles, you would typically first buy US dollars with your roubles and then swap them into Singapore dollars.” 
Hence, a major part of the foreign exchange transactions happens in dollars. 
As the most recent Triennial Central Bank Survey of the Bank for International Settlements points out “The US dollar remained the dominant vehicle currency; it was on one side of 87% of all trades in April 2013. The euro was the second most traded currency, but its share fell to 33% in April 2013 from 39% in April 2010.” 
Over and above this, another good data point to look at is the composition of the total foreign exchange reserves held by countries all over the world. The International Monetary Fund complies this data. 
The problem here is that a lot of countries declare only their total foreign exchange reserves without going into the composition of those reserves. Hence, the fund divides the foreign exchange data into allocated reserves and total reserves. Allocated reserves are reserves for countries which give the composition of their foreign exchange reserves and tell us exactly the various currencies they hold as a part of their foreign exchange reserves. 
We can take a look at the allocated reserves over a period of time and figure whether the composition of the foreign exchange reserves of countries around the world is changing. Are countries moving more and more of their reserves out of the dollar and into other currencies?Dollars formed 71% of the total allocable foreign exchange reserves in 1999, when the euro had just started functioning as a currency. Since then the proportion of foreign exchange reserves that countries hold in dollars has continued to fall. 
In fact in the third quarter of 2008 (around the time Lehman Brothers went bust) dollars formed around 64.5% of total allocable foreign exchange reserves. This kept falling and by the first quarter of 2010 it was at 61.8%. It has started rising since then and as of the first quarter of of 2013, dollars formed 62.4% of the total allocable foreign exchange reserves.
Euro, which was seen as a challenger to the dollar has fizzled out because Europe is in a bigger financial and economic mess than the United States is in. Given this, there is no alternative to the dollar and hence, dollar continues to be at the heart of the international financial system. 
So where does that leave the Russian rouble and the recent threat that has made against the dollar? Here is the basic point. When the entire world has their reserves in dollars, they are going to continue to buy and sell things in dollars. So, when Russia exports stuff it will get paid in dollars, and when its imports stuff it will have to pay in dollars. And unless it earns dollars through exports, it won’t be able to pay for its imports. 
Any country looking to get away from the dollar is virtually destined for economic suicide. Russia can throw some weight around in its neighbourhood and look to move some of its international trade away from the dollar. The Russian company Gazprom, in which the Russian government has a controlling stake, is the largest extractor of natural gas in the world, being responsible for nearly 20% of the world’s supply. 
The gas that Gazprom sells in Russia is sold at a loss, a legacy of the communist days. But the company also provides gas to 25 European nations and this makes it very important in the scheme of global energy security. The company backed by the Russian state has been known to act whimsically in the past and shut down gas supplies during the peak of winter, which has led to major factory shutdowns in Eastern Europe. 
This is Russia’s way of trying to reassert the dominance the erstwhile Soviet Union used to have over the world, before it broke up. But even when Soviet Union was a superpower it could not trade internationally in dollars, all the time, because nobody wanted Russian roubles, everyone wanted the US dollar. 
The next step in the process is likely
to be an effort to price the natural gas which Russia sells through Gazprom in Europe in terms of its own currency, the rouble. Vladamir Putin has spoken out against the dollar in the past, calling for dropping the dollar as an international reserve currency. 
This makes it highly likely that Russia might start selling its gas in terms of roubles. Countries which buy gas from Russia would need to start accumulating roubles as a part of their international reserves. Hence, there is a high chance of the rouble emerging as a regional reserve currency in Europe and thus undermine the importance of the dollar to some extent. Whether that happens remains to be seen. 
The most likely currency to displace the dollar as the international reserve currency is the Chinese yuan. But that process, if it happens, will take a long time. As Warner writes in The Telegraph “
this process is on a very long fuse and basically depends on China eventually displacing the US as the world’s largest economy.” 
While the future of the Chinese yuan as an international reserve currency is very optimistic, it is highly unlikely that the yuan will replace the dollar as an international reserve in a hurry. For that to happen the Chinese government will have set the yuan free and allow the market forces to determine its value, which is not the case currently. 
The People’s Bank of China, the Chinese central bank, intervenes in the market regularly to ensure that the yuan does not appreciate in value against the dollar, which would mean a huge inconvenience for the exporters. An appreciating yuan will make Chinese exports uncompetitive and that is something that the Chinese government cannot afford to do. 
These are things that China is not yet ready for. Hence, even though yuan has a good chance of becoming an international reserve currency it is not going to happen anytime soon. Economist Andy Xie believes that “
There is no alternative to the dollar as a trading currency in Asia.” He feels that the yuan will replace the dollar in Asia but it will take at least thirty to forty years. 
Meanwhile, the Russians can go and take a walk.

The article originally appeared on www.FirstBiz.com on March 7, 2014

(Vivek Kaul is a writer. He tweets @kaul_vivek)